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Māori and Pacific peoples' electoral participation in NZ - annotated bibliography

Introduction

The Electoral Commission commissioned Kim Summersby to compile this annotated bibliography of publicly accessible material that talks about Māori electoral participation and publicly accessible material that talks about Pacific Island peoples’ electoral participation in New Zealand.

In compiling the bibliography no work was found relating primarily to Pacific Island peoples.

The original format of the titles of the sources is retained, including macrons however used in the original.  Macrons are used appropriately in the rest of the bibliography.

The bibliography is provided on this page and in several forms and formats under downloads at rigtht.

  • A Word document of the full annotated bibliography
  • An Endnote library of the complete references, without the annotations.
  • An Excel file containing the main details from the references, without the annotations.

If you have any suggestions of other works that could be considered for inclusion in this bibliography then please send full reference details to catt@elections.govt.nz.  You do not need to provide an annotation.

When making use of this bibliography please acknowledge the compiler (Kim Summersby for records 1-129) and its provision by the Electoral Commission on the Elections New Zealand website, www.elections.org.nz

Alves - Cox

Alves, D., 1999. The Maori and the Crown: An Indigenous People’s Struggle for Self-Determination. Westport: Greenwood Press.

This is a study on the New Zealand government’s attempt at redressing Māori grievances. Of more specific interest, chapter seven looks at the 1996 election and the dramatic shift in support of Māori voters to NZ First instead of maintaining their traditional alliance with the Labour party. Alves looks at Māori voters’ preference for MMP in the 1993 referendum, and the movement by Māori voters on to the Māori electoral roll. In her conclusion, the author correctly predicts a Māori political party will inevitable form. The goal of writing and publishing this book is to clearly tell the American reader about the current position of Māori in New Zealand. A useful glossary precedes the main text of the book, and appendices contain the text of the Treaty of Waitangi, and a list and brief explanation of the legislation concerning Māori representation from 1867 to 1990. A thorough index and select bibliography are also helpful to the reader. At the time of publishing, Alves was an Adjunct Professor at the School of Summer and Continuing Education and Centre for Australian and New Zealand Studies at GeorgetownUniversity.

Archer, K., 2003. Representing Aboriginal Interests: Experiences of New Zealand and Australia. Electoral Insight, 5 (3): 39-45.

Archer, a Professor of Political Science at the University of Calgary, explains that one way for aboriginal interests to be represented within the political system is through participation in national and provincial elections. However Aboriginal peoples of Canada, like Māori in New Zealand, have a significantly lower rate of voting than non-Aboriginal citizens (or Pākehā in New Zealand). The author focuses this article on the approaches taken by New Zealand and Australia to include their indigenous peoples in the electoral process. Archer looks at three features of the electoral system in particular which impact on Māori representation - separate Māori electorates, the MMP electoral system, and compulsory registration on an electoral roll. This article is published within a special edition of a journal dedicated to Aboriginal electoral participation. As such, it is aimed at an audience of political scientists and researchers, and those interested in electoral reform which will improve Aboriginal people’s involvement in the political process.

Atkinson, N., 2003. Adventures in Democracy: A History of the Vote in New Zealand. Dunedin: University of Otago Press.

This book was initiated by the Electoral Commission and looks at the role the vote has had in shaping the image of New Zealand by tracing the electoral laws and practices here. Atkinson, currently a historian at the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, discusses many issues relating to Māori voting behaviour. The Māori Representation Act 1867, Māori seats, Māori electoral option, Māori electoral rolls and the Māori franchise are all examined throughout the book. Although there is not a separate chapter dedicated to these topics, the author covers them well following the chronological order the book is set out in. Many images including photographs, posters, cartoons and graphs are included to enhance the readability of the book. It is a scholarly piece of work which covers over 150 years of democratic processes very well. It has a thorough index and appendices contain key dates in electoral reform, tables of the dates of the Māori and General elections, and the seats held by political parties from 1890 to 1993.

Ballara, A., 2001. Wāhine Rangatira: Māori Women of Rank and their Role in the Women’s Kotahitanga Movement of the 1890s. In J. Binney (ed.) The Shaping of History: Essays from the New Zealand Journal of History. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books Limited, pp.78-88.

This chapter is a historical analysis of Māori women and the vote in both the Pākehā and Māori parliaments. It begins in 1893 when Māori women first asked to be granted the right to be included as electors of, and stand as, Members of Parliament. Ballara, a historian and current member of the Waitangi Tribunal, looks at the parallels and differences between Māori and Pākehā women movements of the 1890s. It focuses on the powerful Māori women who developed these Māori pressure groups. The editor of this collection describes the essays as those which highlight how the writing of history challenges our perceptions of ourselves. This is an interesting and insightful read which indeed challenges the stereotypes of the role of Māori women, particularly in the political arena.

Banducci, S., T. Donovan and J.A. Karp, 2004. Minority Representation, Empowerment, and Participation. Journal of Politics, 66 (2):534-56.

The authors, who all work within political science departments of American universities, examine the thesis that minority representation encourages political participation and positive attitudes amongst voters. Through empirical research on United States and New Zealand elections, they conclude that the demographic representation of certain groups is a factor which matters. This is an essential article to students of Māori political participation as it gives a detailed account of Māori voting and representation in government. There are very few sources which combine the descriptive and substantive representation of Māori; therefore this article is an important addition to the knowledge available concerning Māori voters, especially as it is recent work. There is a large amount of statistics, graphs, and data analysis included in this comprehensive piece of work. Data from the 1996 National Black Election Study and the 1999 New Zealand Election Study has been used. It is intended for a specialised, mostly academic, audience concerned with minority participation and representation in government.

Banducci, S.A.and J.A. Karp, 1999. Perceptions of Fairness and Support for Proportional Representation. Political Behaviour, 21 (3):217-38.

Banducci and Karp, then researching at the University of Waikato and members of the New Zealand Election Study, explore the causes, consequences and support for electoral system change in New Zealand. They hypothesise that political minorities would be cynical of the plurality political system and processes therefore will favour the implementation of MMP. The authors briefly look at the four Māori seats and the legislative prohibition of allowing Maori to stand in general seats until 1967. They then show the proportion of Māori who supported a change to proportional representation in the 1993 referendum. Banducci and Karp conclude that the evidence suggests that low evaluations of the fairness of the electoral system are directly linked to the level of support for reform.

Bargh, M., 2004. Tiers of Confusion and Blurring Boundaries: Māori, the Local Government Act 2002 and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Political Science, 56 (1):65-74.

Although this article by Bargh, a lecturer in the Political Science and International Relations programme at Victoria University, is not directly relevant to Māori electoral participation, it does astutely discuss the ramifications of marginalising Māori political power through a failure to clarify the relationship between Māori and local government. It is argued that due to the low rates of Māori participation in local government elections through voter turn-out and representation, the new option of separate Māori seats in local government is a voluntary attempt to redistribute political power. This work complements that of Hayward (2002) The Treaty Challenge (discussed below) on the relationship between local government and Māori representation. Bargh concludes that further clarification of the relationship between Māori and the Crown is required. This article is aimed at an audience of politicians, local councillors, and political science academics.

Barker, F., J. Boston, S. Levine, E. McLeay and N.S. Roberts, 2003. An Initial Assessment of the Consequences of MMP in New Zealand. In M.S. Shugart and M.P. Wattenberg (eds), Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: The Best of Both Worlds? Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 297-322.

The Victoria University of Wellington authors assess the impact of MMP on the New Zealand political system, particularly in regard to the criteria the Royal Commission of the Electoral System provided in their report of 1986. Of particular note, the authors look at the swift shift in voting preferences of Māori in the first MMP election towards NZ First; the increased percentage of Māori and Pacific Islander MPs in 1996 compared to 1993; as well as the increased number of Māori who gained positions within the executive resulting in their enhanced influence and visibility within the policy process. Voting behaviour is examined in some detail; unfortunately however Māori voting patterns are not looked at specifically. The authors conclude that political parties, candidates and voters are all learning new strategies to adapt to MMP. This book and chapter will appeal to both New Zealand and international political scientists interested in the effects of electoral reform.

Boston, J., S. Levine, E. McLeay and N.S. Roberts, 1996. New Zealand Under MMP: A New Politics? Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

This book, written by political scientists from Victoria University of Wellington, examines the changes MMP has and will bring about, and assesses its potential impact on the political system. Data is drawn from a number of sources including comparative perspectives, international models, and a written questionnaire survey conducted in late 1995 on the views on opinion leaders. Information, analyses and predictions on Māori voting within the Māori electorates is spread throughout the book, but the index is fairly thorough and can easily direct the reader to a specific matter of interest. Of particular note is the short discussion on MMP, Māori and the Māori seats (pp.70-71). Only broad commentary is made on these matters though – statistical analysis on Māori voting is outside of the book’s perimeter. It is aimed at enhancing the New Zealand public’s understanding of the political system and its implications, therefore is intended for a general audience.

Bush, G., 1995. Local Government and Politics in New Zealand. (2nd ed.). Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

This is a comprehensive publication on nearly all aspects of New Zealand local government. It focuses on the history and development of local government, the recent restructuring it has undergone, and its functions. Most relevant here though is Bush’s chapter on participation and politics. The author explains that Māori are (or should be) a significant participant in the local government process due to their tangata whenua status. He looks at Māori participation through Māori advisory committees, consultation, and protest action. Māori representation in local government at the time was 5 per cent (a figure which has remained static for the past decade). The intended audience of this book is any person who is interested in how their community works, working in local government, or studying New Zealand politics. Bush has published extensively on New Zealand local government, and at the time was an Associate-Professor of Political Studies at the University of Auckland.

Catt, H., 1997. Women, Maori and Minorities: Microrepresentation and MMP. In J. Boston, S. Levine, E. McLeay, and N.S. Roberts (eds), From Campaign to Coalition: The 1996 MMP Election. Palmerston North: Dunmore Press Ltd, pp. 199-206.

This book chapter looks at the idea of microcosmic representation – which was promoted by the Royal Commission of the Electoral Commission in 1986 – and how effective the first election held under MMP was in delivering more Māori and women into parliament. Catt, a former lecturer in the Political Science department of the University of Auckland, explains that Māori are close to being represented in proportion to their national population. However she raises two major issues that arise from the advocacy of mirror representation. Firstly, it is increasingly unclear which MPs should be counted as Māori. And secondly, what are the consequences of having more Māori in parliament? This work is easy to read and understand making it accessible for audiences who may not be overly capable in political studies literature. Tables are included which show (amongst other statistics) the percentage of select groups in parliament (in 1996) in comparison to their population (in 1991), a comparison of list candidates to all candidates by party, and a party breakdown of select groups. These select groups include data on Māori and Pacific Islanders. With little information on Pacific Islander representation available, it makes for valuable reading and analysis.

Catt, H., 1998. Representation. In R. Miller (ed.) New Zealand Politics in Transition. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 397-407.

In this chapter Catt, current Chief Electoral Officer of the Electoral Commission, looks at the different ways the idea of representation is interpreted in New Zealand politics – group representation, geographical representation, and representation via the political party. It is a very clear and concise paper which includes discussions on Māori MPs, Māori electorates and Māori parties; as well as who is accountable (and to what degree) to Māori voters and whether this is dependent on the voters being registered on the general or Māori rolls. The electoral system must ensure Māori voters actually have a say in the political process, and Catt asks how this can best be ensured. The author concludes that any party who contests the Māori seats or appeals to Māori voters must be accountable to Māori voters. This chapter highlights well the complex link between Māori voters and their representatives. Tables are also used to show how Māori entered parliament (via the list and electorate seats). This book is aimed at students of New Zealand politics.

Catt, H., 1999. Democracy in Practice. London: Routledge.

In this book concerning democratic practices in New Zealand and internationally, Catt highlights the important issue of Māori voting behaviour and democracy in New Zealand. She directs attention to how inclusive the country’s political system really is when Māori levels of voter turnout and electoral registration are lower than non-Māori. The Royal Commission on the Electoral System’s view on the link between Māori voting and representation is discussed; where they propose a multiple approach is required for fair representation to be achieved. The author concludes that the challenge for democracy now is not how it will be realised, but which decisions are taken democratically and which groups actually participate. This book addresses many more aspects of democracy in detail, and is aimed to be a textbook for students of democratic theory.

Catt, H., 2000. The New Zealand Election of 27 November 1999. Australian Journal of Political Science, 35 (2): 299-304.

This short commentary focuses on the demise of the three-term National government, the outcome of the 1999 election, the newly elected Labour coalition government, and the Citizens’ Initiated Referenda results. Catt, then a senior lecturer in the Political Studies department at the University of Auckland, highlights the lower level of voting in Māori electorates compared to general electorates, and the dramatic turn around in the representatives of Māori electorates where Labour regained all the seats NZ First had dominated for the first time in 1996. The author concludes that MMP had delivered on its promise of creating a parliament which increasingly mirrored the communities it represents. It is an easy to read summary of the main events surrounding the election, and therefore aimed at a broad audience.

Cavana, E., P. McMillen and S. Palmer, 2004. The Local Government New Zealand 2004 Post-election Survey: A Survey of Voters and Non-Voters in Selected Councils Following the 2004 Local Authority Elections. Wellington: Local Government New Zealand.

This report looks at the voting patterns in the 2004 local government elections. More specifically, it explores the reasons why people did and did not vote, and their awareness levels of the elections. The research was conducted by telephone by BRC Marketing & Social Research on behalf of Local Government New Zealand, between 11 October and 10 November 2004. The councils and their communities that took part in the research were the Far North District Council, Auckland City Council, Manukau City Council, Wellington City Council, Marlborough District Council, Waimate District Council and Christchurch City Council. A wealth of qualitative and quantitative information is contained in this report, and tables are used to summarise the text. Unfortunately the results are not cross-tabulated by ethnicity, only by council. However informants are categorised as Māori, PacificIsland or other ethnic group, which ensures the research is beneficial to persons interested in Māori voting behaviour in local body elections.

Chapman, R., 1962. The General Result. In R. Chapman, W.K. Jackson, and A.V. Mitchell (eds), New Zealand Politics in Action: The 1960 General Election. London: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 235-96.

This is a fairly date book, however it was published at a time when the study of elections was a relatively new research field in New Zealand. Then, Māori were ‘still mainly country folk’, as described by the author, which is a sharp contrast to the predominantly urban dwellers Māori now are. This chapter focuses on the 1960 general election outcomes in electorates at the individual level, but analysis is also provided between rural and urban seats. Statistics from Māori electorates concerning voting, non-voting, and voter movement are compared with seats which have been classified as poorer cities, richer cities, larger cities, marginal cities, mixed, and farmers. Tables and graphs are used to clearly illustrate the results. At the time of publishing, Chapman was a senior lecturer in History at the University of Auckland.

Chapman, R., 1963. The Response to Labour and the Question of Parallelism of Opinion, 1928-1960. In R. Chapman and K. Sinclair (eds), Studies of a Small Democracy: Essays in Honour of Willis Airey. Auckland: Paul’s Book Arcade, pp. 221-52.

In this book section, Chapman measures the level of acceptance of Labour in the 1930s. He does this through analysing the voting statistics of eight voting sections – special country, richer city, poorer city, marginal city, town, farmer, rural and Māori voters. Chapman explains how Māori voters, up until 1928, followed European voting trends. However for the next three decades this changed and a Māori MPs personal standing had a dramatic effect on who would be elected. The author outlines the unique nature of this group, and examines the voting strength and patterns of Māori electors up until 1960. He concludes that the Māori voter was in 1960 more meaningfully related to other New Zealand electors, but he retains his independence through his cultural possessions which show through in his voting. Graphs are used throughout the chapter to illustrate the differences in the voting patterns of different sections of society. It is an insightful piece of work that attempts to decipher why Māori have a distinct voting style.

Chapman, R., 1999. Voting in the Māori Political Sub-System, 1935-1984. In E. McLeay (ed.) New Zealand Politics and Social Patterns: Selected Works by Robert Chapman. Wellington: VictoriaUniversity Press, pp. 226-57.

This chapter first appeared as an Annex in the Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System (1986). The text is replicated in this source with few changes, however only one of the 20 graphs that were in the original publication have been retained. The detailed statistics and analysis relating to Māori representation, Māori voting patterns, and the support for each political party from 1935 to 1984 contained in this chapter are invaluable. Chapman, a former Professor of Politics, concludes that the Māori voting sub-system differs from the General system in a number of vital ways, including that Māori electors and MPs see to it that Māori issues are represented. This work was initially intended for a specialised audience of MPs and political scientists interested and involved in the debate on electoral change.

Chen, M., 1991. A Lawyer’s Perspective on Maori and Gender Issues in the 1990 General Election. In E.M. McLeay (ed.) The 1990 General Election: Perspectives on Political Change in New Zealand. Wellington: Department of Politics, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington, pp. 91-104.

Chen, a prominent lawyer who specialises in public law and a former Law Lecturer at Victoria University, questions in this chapter why Labour lost a sizable number of votes from women and Māori in the 1990 election. She argues that these groups were more swayed by general economic issues promoted by National rather than the common social justice policies offered by Labour, therefore the concept of Māori or women’s issues may be relative. Chen also importantly highlights the crudeness of elections as mechanisms for indicating what policies people support. The papers and discussion chapters within the book are based on the proceedings of the 1990 General Election Conference held at VictoriaUniversity. It is aimed at a general audience interested in New Zealand electoral politics.

Chief Electoral Office, 2005. Voter/Non-Voter Satisfaction Survey. Wellington: Ministry of Justice.

The Chief Electoral Office commissioned TNS to undertake a survey aimed at reviewing the electoral experience of eligible voters and ascertain why they did or did not vote. The surveys on voters and non-voters began on 18 September 2005 and both were completed by 9 October 2005. A total of 1270 eligible voters were interviewed, which included 407 Māori participants and 166 participants classified as youth. All of the results have been tabulated, with Māori and youth participants classified separately, and clear statistical analyses are made of all the data. It is found that the three biggest factors that influenced Māori to not vote are a distrust of politicians, lack of interest in politics, and the feeling that whoever is elected does not impact on the voters’ everyday life. This is a very useful report with a wealth of statistical information on the reasons for voting and not voting.

Cleave, P., 1998. The MaoriState. Palmerston North: Campus Press.

This book traces the linkages between the concepts peoples used to identify as Māori and ideas about social power. The author argues that there are larger, often pan-tribal, bodies that exist in Māoridom which do not negate the significance of whānau, hapū or iwi. Cleave believes that an appreciation of Māori society first requires an understanding of Māori relations with the Pākehā government. Included in this book are discussions on why the Māori electorates were created and the subsequent establishment of a Māori parliament. He also compares the nature of the Young Māori Party with the Kotahitanga movement. This book is not as clearly set out as it could be, however it contains important historical information on early Māori political participation. Cleave is a teacher and writer from Palmerston North.

Colmar Brunton’s Social Research Agency, 2003. MMP Monitor – October 2003 Summary Report. Colmar Brunton.

Colmar Brunton was commissioned by the Electoral Commission to establish a benchmark measure on the voting public’s knowledge of MMP. The 2003 findings in this report are compared with previous surveys conducted since 1994. Methodologies of face-to-face and computer assistance telephone interviewing have both been employed. The 2003 survey involved 502 participants, which included 96 interviews with Māori and 93 interviews with PacificIsland peoples. The report contains many graphs and tables to illustrate the statistic analyses made. Interesting conclusions are made on the levels of knowledge and understanding Māori and Pacific people have on MMP. These groups continue to be amongst the target groups of the Commission. Not only is the information of great interest and significance to the Electoral Commission, but also to academics and researchers in the field of political science and Māori studies.

Comrie, M., A. Gillies and M. Day, 2002. The Maori Electoral Option Campaign: Problems of Measuring ‘Success’. Political Science, 54 (2):45-58.

This article questions the effectiveness of the campaign advertising the Māori Electoral Option during a four month period in 2001. The authors, lecturers at MasseyUniversity, found that the face-to-face method is the most effective method of communication with Māori on this issue, however it is expensive and complex, therefore mass advertising is used instead. They believe that the number on the Māori roll will continue to rise, however also acknowledge the level of criticism that has been directed at how democratic the Māori seats are. This is a comprehensive article which not only looks at the 2001 campaign, but also addresses in depth the difficulties and controversies surrounding the participation of Māori in the mainstream political process which began with the Māori enfranchisement. The authors use and comment on information on Māori voting participation gathered by Sinnott in her 1994 research paper (which is included in this bibliography below).

Cox, L., 1993. Kotahitanga: The Search for Māori Political Unity. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press.

Cox, a lecturer in the Department of Māori Studies at MasseyUniversity, explores the efforts by Māori chiefs to give effect to the developing nation of collective Māori sovereignty. The author offers a historical analysis of the numerous Māori movements which were all ultimately in search of tino rangatiratanga and Māori unity. This study includes information on the establishment, polling results and election outcomes in the four Māori electorates, the emergence of the Māori Parliament (Paremata Māori), the Ratana movement and its alliance with the Labour Party, and the development of Mana Motuhake. This book contains diagrams and rare photographs to complement the text. It is a book valuable to students and researchers of Māori studies, history, political studies and law, and also to those interested in the Treaty of Waitangi partnership.

Dahlberg - Justice and Electoral Committee

Dahlberg, T. R. M., 1996. Māori Representation in Parliament and Tino Rangatiratanga. He Pukenga Kōrero, 2(1):62-72.

Dahlberg critically analyses the history of Māori participation in the electoral system and assesses how it has impinged on Māori pursuits of tino rangatiratanga. The article looks at the barriers to the effective representation of Māori. The author believes that the government is the antithesis to tino rangatiratanga, and concludes that decolonisation of the state is required for tino rangatiratanga to be achieved. The definition of tino rangatiratanga is often difficult to ascertain, therefore the opening section of this article is helpful as it offers a number of interpretations of this phrase. The four page article ‘A Permanent Expedient’ by Keegan which precedes Dahlberg’s work in this journal would be beneficial to read first, as it gives a succinct response to the related question of whether MMP would offer Māori more than other electoral changes have in the past. The author is currently the Kaitautoko Māori at MasseyUniversity.

de Varennes, F., 1998. Towards Effective Political Participation and Representation of Minorities. Commission on Human Rights.

de Varennes is currently an Associate Professor of Law at MurdochUniversity in Western Australia, and in this working paper he looks at the obstacles to effective political participation and representation of minorities, and some possible mechanisms to avoid them in the future. The work is based on the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. Only one section specifically looks at Māori participation and representation in the New Zealand political process. However this still makes for interesting reading as Māori voting can placed within the wider context of historical and contemporary minority disenfranchisement. De Varennes concludes that the effective presence of minorities in government may require additional mechanisms other than the equal right to vote to offset what he calls the ‘democratic deficit’ due to their limited voting strength.

Department of Internal Affairs, 1994. Local Government Candidates: 1992. Wellington: Department of Internal Affairs.

This report gives a range of insights into the people standing in local body elections. The statistical analysis is drawn from a survey of candidates for regional councils, mayoralties, territorial elections and community boards in 1992, which had a 77 per cent response rate. Amongst other factors such as gender, income and occupation, the authors found that only 4.4 per cent of candidates were of Māori ethnicity, and non-Pākehā candidates had a less than average chance of being elected. Unfortunately little data is collected in local government surveys on voters and candidates which concerns ethnicity. Any one interested in the representativeness of local government, voting behaviour, and the factors that influence decision making will find this report of great interest.

Drage, J. (ed.) 2002. Empowering Communities? Representation and Participation in New Zealand’s Local Government. Wellington: VictoriaUniversity Press.

This edited book covers the changes that have recently occurred in local government which concern participation and representation. The focus is on how the changes will impact on the way individuals participate in the local government process. Drage, who at the time of publishing was a lecturer in the School of Political Science and International Relations at Victoria University of Wellington, makes a valuable contribution in this work to an under-researched area of New Zealand government and politics. The book appeals particularly to those working and researching within the local government sector. A chapter is not designated to how the changes impact on Māori specifically, however there is a fair amount of information directed at the extent of Māori participation in local government throughout the book in terms of both voting and consultation. The index is thorough and easily navigates the reader to all issues concerning Māori voters and separate Māori representation. Of note is Hayward’s chapter on consultation with Māori under the Treaty of Waitangi, and Crawford’s chapter ‘Electoral Satisfaction Guaranteed’, which looks at the recognition of Māori as a community of interest and the different ways of improving Māori participation and representation in local government.

Durie, M., 2001. Te Mana, Te Kāwanatanga: The Politics of Māori Self-Determination. South Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Press.

At the time of publication, Durie was the Professor and Head of Department of Māori Studies at MasseyUniversity. He has published widely on Māori politics. This popular book (it has been reprinted five times) focuses on Māori autonomy and the interaction between Māori and the Crown. Of particular relevance is ‘The Māori Vote’ section within chapter four which concerns the political affiliation and voting patterns of Māori. Durie offers explanations for the drop in number of Māori registering on the Māori electoral roll prior to 1993, and the rise in Māori voter turnout following the establishment of the NZ First party. Tables are included showing the votes cast in the Māori electorates in 1996, the Māori electorate and list candidates (both successful and not) in the 1996 election, and the changes in the ratios of population per Māori seat and per General seat between 1868 and 1984. This book is aimed at a wide audience and promotes well-informed debate.

Durie, M. 2003. Ngā Kāhui Pou: Launching Māori Futures. Wellington: Huia Publishers.

This book contains selected conference papers delivered between 1999 and 2002 in New Zealand and abroad, which concern Māori development and advancement. In a number of chapters the impact of electoral reform on Māori participation and representation is discussed. One of the most relevant is chapter 8: ‘Māori in Governance’, which looks at Māori involvement in governance from the establishment of the four Māori seats in 1867 to a new phase brought about through MMP. He suggests that this development has created tensions because uncertainties are raised about the underlying rationale of increasing Māori participation which can lead to potential conflicts between the objectives of the state and aspirations held by Maori. Durie also looks at the number of voters on the Māori and general electoral rolls, and how significant the Māori vote currently is to all political parties due to their increasing demographic strength. With many non-Māori New Zealanders unenthusiastic about separate Māori representation the author suggests that their focus is on individual rights, which does not give recognition to group rights based on indigeneity. Due to the nature of conferences, the intended audience is academics and also possibly policy reformers. Durie is currently Professor of Māori Research and Development and Assistant Vice Chancellor (Māori) at MasseyUniversity.

Durie, M., 2005. Ngā Tai Matatū: Tides of Māori Endurance. South Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Press.

Professor Durie describes and analyses the position of Māori people and their interests at the start of the 21st century in this very readable, articulate and interesting book. It builds on his previous book Te Mana, Te Kāwanatanga (which is discussed above). Of specific interest is one of the latter chapters which concerns Māori in parliament. Here Durie looks at Māori participation and representation in parliament and local government, from the early Māori MPs up to the changes and effects generated from MMP. He analyses the 2002 general election and illustrates his work with tables on Māori Labour Party members and Māori party representation in this election. Durie also addresses why NZ First held so much appeal for Māori voters in 1996, as well as the backlash on Māori seats in both central and local government that followed Don Brash’s Orewa I speech. The author concludes that Māori are faced with the recurring dilemma of whether to stay in or outside the decision-making arena of the state. Either way, Durie argues that the Māori political voice has endured.

Electoral Commission, 2002. The New Zealand Electoral Compendium. (3rd ed.). Wellington: Electoral Commission.

This is the third edition published by the Electoral Commission as a comprehensive summary of New Zealand’s democracy, electoral system, electoral process, parliamentary representation and also provides the results of the 2002 election results. It contains a very useful electoral glossary, as well as a detailed index and contents page to help navigate the reader with ease. A wide range of Māori voting statistics is available. Of note are the sections on the percentage distributions of electorate votes and party votes cast by those in the Māori electorates, Māori voter enrolments from 1990-2002, and the number of Māori and Pacific Islander MPs in Parliament. The material included in this compendium is intended for political studies students and researchers, people involved in elections, and any person interested in the New Zealand electoral structure and general election results.

Electoral Commission, 2005. Briefing to the Incoming Minister. Wellington: Electoral Commission.

This is a briefing on the role of the Electoral Commission, their values and goals, the areas of concern, and issues that require ministerial consideration in the immediate future. Due to the incoming minister being new to this position, this report gives a clear and precise overview of the areas of most concern to New Zealand electoral matters. It is highlighted that Māori and PacificIsland peoples, as well as youth, have lower levels of political engagement than other groups in society and this issue must be targeted and addressed, especially as demographic trends indicate these groups are increasing in size. The Memorandum of Understanding between the Crown and the Electoral Commission is included in an appendix, as is the Electoral Commission’s strategic plan. The MoU shows that research aimed at increasing Māori electoral participation is to be encouraged.

Farrell, M., 1992. Te Pooti Maaori: Maaori Representation and Electoral Reform. Hamilton: Centre for Maaori Studies and Research, University of Waikato.

Farrell completed this monograph while studying in the University of Waikato’s Centre for Māori Studies and Research. The work is divided evenly into two parts. Part one is a survey of traditional Māori practices and participation in the electoral system and highlights how the Māori world view conflicts in many ways with Western beliefs. Part two focuses on the options for electoral reform and the probable impact of each on Māori representation. This latter part draws from primary data gathered through interviews with 18 key Māori leaders from July to September of 1991, with the opinions making it a very personal and thought provoking read. A useful appendix is included of the Māori population in each general and Māori electorate, and the percentages of Māori not on the Māori roll for each according to the census data of 1986. Although published in 1992, one year prior to the referendum of the electoral system, it remains to be an important piece of work as political parties continue to debate the validity and necessity of the Māori seats in national and local government. Farrell’s work would have been initially aimed at all New Zealanders prior to the referendum, however it is now more intended for an audience of Māori studies and political science students and academics interested in indigenous representation and the impact the electoral system and structures has on it.

Fleras, A., 1985. From Social Control towards Political Self-Determination? Maori Seats and the Politics of Separate Maori Representation in New Zealand. Canadian Journal of Political Science XVIII (3):551-76.

Fleras is currently a Professor of Sociology at the University of Waterloo in Canada, and has written extensively on indigenous rights in his home country and in New Zealand. In this journal article Fleras examines the politics of Māori representation from the historical background to the then current argument concerning whether or not the separate Māori electorates should be abolished (a debate which continues today). The early effective exclusion of Māori voters from participating in the electoral system is discussed in depth by the author, as well as the reasons for the government’s actions. He then goes on to discuss the loyalty of Māori voters to Labour from 1935, critiques the validity of the Māori seats, and highlights some prominent Māori academic’s views on the issue. To conclude, Fleras directs attention to the then decline of Māori voters registering on the Māori roll, and believes that both National and Labour’s reluctance to take a firm stand on the position on the Māori seats reflects an act of expediency in case it may alienate the Māori vote. This is one of the more comprehensive papers on the history and retention of the Māori seats in parliament. It is intended for an academic audience concerned with electoral change to better included indigenous peoples in the political process.

Fleras, A. and R. Maaka, 2005. The Politics of Indigeneity: Challenging the State in Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand. Dunedin: University of Otago Press.

The objective of this book is not to critically compare the Canadian and New Zealand situation, but to demonstrate how the politics of indigeneity are being played out between the countries and subsequently understand their complexities more thoroughly. Of particular interest is chapter four, which includes a case study on Māori parliamentary representation. It focuses on the participation of Māori in parliament - a place where the Māori struggle for tino rangatiratanga and the government’s retention of kāwanatanga meet. The authors also look at the effects of MMP on Māori representation, and conclude that under proportional representation all political powers which seek power must now actively and effectively interact with Māori voters. This is an extremely thorough, comprehensive and articulate book, written by well respected authors. It is indispensable for students and researchers in the field of Māori and indigenous politics. Fleras is Professor of Sociology at the University of Waterloo and Maaka is Professor of Native Studies at the University of Saskatchewan.

Fleras, A. and P. Spoonley, 1999. Recalling Aotearoa: Indigenous Politics and Ethnic Relations in New Zealand. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press.

Both researchers and lecturers in sociology, Fleras and Spoonley centre this book on the fairly recent changes to cultural and national identity in New Zealand. They ask why they have occurred and what the nature of the politics involved is. Amongst a broad number of indigeneity issues which feature in this book, the authors look at the definition of tino rangatiratanga, which includes Māori representation in parliament; and indigenous challenges to the legitimacy of the state, which includes the restoration of a sufficient Māori political voice. The authors conclude that the new challenge is to reanalyse the core institutions of New Zealand so they encompass tangata whenua. It is intended to reach a wide audience, particularly students of sociology, politics, history, education and social work, as well as policy analysts, social services agencies, and any person interested in the changing nature of New Zealand society.

Gould, J.D., 1994. Research Note: Calculating the Maori Electoral Population. Political Science, 46 (2):255-64.

This research note discusses a difficulty in calculating the Māori and General election populations, and subsequently the number of Māori and General seats. The main issue of difficulty is the ability to know how many people of Māori descent are enrolled on the General roll. The work contradicts the popular belief that large numbers of Māori are not enrolled to vote. Gould concludes that the strategy of Māori leaders to recruit Māori who were not previously enrolled and Māori enrolled on the General roll towards the Māori roll was misguided. This is because one addition to the Māori roll recruited from the General roll does more to boost the Māori electoral population than an addition from the ranks of the unenrolled Māori population. This work is useful to researchers interested in the movement of Māori between the two electoral rolls and its implications. It would be useful to refer to an earlier article in the same journal by Frank Nolan from Statistics New Zealand entitled ‘Maori Electoral Populations’ (Political Science, 45 (2):209-15).

Hampton, A., 1995. The Limitations of the Prescriptive Dimensions of Lijphart’s Consensus Model: A Case Study of the Incorporation of Māori within New Zealand’s Democratic System, 1984-1995. Political Science, 47 (2):215-37.

This article, based upon the author’s MA research, contends that Arend Lijphart’s consociational model’s reliance on sub-state groupings is vital to a number of the features of that model and may increase instability. This limitation of Lijphart’s argument is demonstrated by analysing the efforts to incorporate Māori into the democratic system of New Zealand between 1984 and 1995. The author looks at Māori parliamentary representation under MMP as one example. He highlights the opposing arguments given by the Royal Commission on the Electoral Commission and Lijphart on the separate Māori seats, where the former believes the seats should be abolished and the latter argues that their existences is the most effective way to guarantee Māori representation. The author looks at past and potential successes of ethnically based parties, and also gives a number of prominent Māori leaders’ views on this issue. Those with an interest in political theory will find this article interesting and informative, as it underlines some constraints of the consociational model.

Harris, P., 2003. The Electoral Commission and the 2002 General Election. In J. Boston, S. Church, S. Levine, E. McLeay, and N.S. Roberts (eds), New Zealand Votes: The General Election of 2002. Wellington: VictoriaUniversity Press, pp. 75-84.

Harris, then Chief Executive of the Electoral Commission, focuses this chapter on two of the Commission’s statutory responsibilities – election broadcasting allocations and increasing the public’s understanding of MMP. Here, the latter is of more importance. The author explains that the Commission’s objective is to assist electors to be sufficiently informed about their electoral choices so that they can make effective votes on Election Day. They monitor the levels of understanding of MMP, and have identified Māori and Pacific Islander’s (amongst young people and women) as most likely to lack adequate education of this issue. Tables are included which illustrate the level of these groups’ understanding of MMP and interest in politics from 1999 to 2002. For Māori, interest in politics declined slightly over this period, while the same issue for Pacific Islander peoples increased. Knowledge of how MMP works, however, increased for both Māori and Pacific Islanders. Samples that were collected in 1999-2002 included booster sampling of Māori respondents, and sampling of PacificIsland respondents was boosted from 2000-2002. Those involved in election campaigning and electoral behaviour will find this article both useful and interesting.

Hayward, J., 2002. The Treaty Challenge: Local Government and Māori - A Scoping Report. Nga Kaitiaki Reti Ngahere Karauna - Crown Forestry Rental Trust.

This scoping report focuses on three major themes: the relationship between Māori, the Treaty of Waitangi and local government; Māori representation in local government; and Māori, local government and environmental management. The second part is of most interest here as it concerns the recent electoral changes which potentially impact on Māori electoral participation and representation. The author, a political scientist at the University of Otago who has published widely on Māori representation, raises the question of which groups of Māori should be entitled to be ‘representatives’. It is aimed at an audience involved in local government, politicians and political scientists. This is a very readable, thought provoking report that raises many further research questions concerning Māori electoral participation.

Hayward, J., 2005. Putting the Case for Maori Wards in LG. NZ Local Government, 41 (7):32.

Hayward, a senior lecturer in Political Studies, strongly argues the case for separate Māori representation in local government. Aimed at an audience of people actively involved in local government activities, the author highlights the differences between Māori voting for a representative through STV, and Māori wards or constituencies, arguing that only the latter can provide a Māori representative who actually ‘represents’ the views of those Māori voters. She goes on to explain that Māori wards do not privilege Māori voters, despite some arguments that are based on this assumption. In contrast, it is actually a sacrifice to support the principle of Māori representation by choosing to enrol on the Māori roll. This is a brief, one page article where Hayward uses clear, jargon-free, understandable language to convey her opinion.

Hazlehurst, K.M., 1993. Political Expression and Ethnicity: Statecraft and Mobilisation in the Maori World. Westport: Praeger Publishers.

This book concentrates on pan-Māori tribalism, using the Mana Motuhake political party as a case-study. Hazlehurst, at the time of publishing a senior lecturer at Queensland University of Technology, concludes that the emergence of Mana Motuhake was in protest of a political system which did not meet Māori concerns, but failed because it did not appeal broadly to Māori ethnicity. Now that the Māori Party has been formed and currently have four members in Parliament, it will be interesting to see if similar findings can be reached. Although this book focuses on the political party itself, it contains many useful statistics on Māori voting behaviour and turnout across elections in the Māori electorates. A comprehensive glossary of Māori words is included.

Henderson, J. and P. Bellamy, 2002. Democracy in New Zealand: International IDEA Country Study. Christchurch and Stockholm: Macmillian Brown Centre for Pacific Studies and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.

Henderson and Bellamy look at the condition of democracy in New Zealand in this book. It is rather unique in format, as most of the fourteen chapters are introduced with an executive summary, and a range of questions are literally answered throughout. The book begins with a short political and constitutional history of New Zealand, and then the basic political and socio-economic data is presented. There is a strong emphasis on Māori and Pacific Island People’s participation in the state, particularly in the second section of the book which looks at how representative and accountable the government is. Here the equality and effectiveness of these minority groups are looked at, and special attention is also given to ethnic-specific parties that have been formed. The book is part of a larger research project established by IDEA, which aims to initiate a global survey of the differing conditions of democracy and to make comparisons. At the time of publication both authors were lecturing at the University of Canterbury. The book appeals to an audience of politicians, and scholars and students involved in political studies, economics and law.

Hill, R.S. and V. O’Malley, 2000. The Māori Quest for Rangatiratanga/ Autonomy, 1840-2000. Wellington: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

This occasional paper concerns the determination of Māori to retain autonomy over their own affairs, in spite of the continuous attempts by the colonising government to subsume Māori culture and Māori institutions. It is a broad report which covers many areas of reclaiming and retaining rangatiratanga, which includes the early years of Māori voting and representation in the New Zealand parliament, the pan-tribal movements of Kotahitanga and Kingitanga, the emergence of Māori councils, and the threat by Mana Motuhake to break the Ratana-Labour alliance in the 1980s. The author concludes that the story of the Māori quest to retain their autonomy has always been known and felt by Māori, but most Pākehā have been fairly oblivious to it. This report aims to educate all New Zealanders on this part of our history. Hill is a historian and also the founder of the Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, and O’Malley was at the time of publication the Research Quality Manager at the Crown Forestry Rental Trust.

Holland, M. (ed.) 1992. Electoral Behaviour in New Zealand. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press.

Holland, a senior lecturer in the Department of Political Science at CanterburyUniversity, focuses this book on the voting patterns of New Zealanders prior to the introduction of MMP. There is not a dedicated chapter to Māori electoral behaviour, however the index provides a good means to find commentary on this issue. More specifically, Harris’ chapter ‘The Electoral System’ looks at the Māori Electoral Option, the effectiveness of Māori representation, and arguments for the retention or abolition of the Māori seats. He then looks more in depth at the Māori electorates and their predicted effectiveness under the four electoral options put to New Zealanders for the indicative and binding referendums on the electoral system. The final chapter in this book admits that little has been achieved towards understanding Māori electoral behaviour despite the Māori sub-system (which is addressed by Chapman and discussed above), the Māori seats, and the Māori electoral roll. The contributors to this edited book predominantly hold political science backgrounds, but there are also chapters by researchers from geography and continuing education departments. This book and others in the ‘Oxford Readings in New Zealand Politics’ series aim to create a core body of literature essential to New Zealand political science students.

Jackson, K. and A. McRobie, 1998. New Zealand Adopts Proportional Representation: Accident? Design? Evolution? Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited.

This book looks at how and why New Zealand adopted the MMP electoral system. It is based on the Royal Commission on the Electoral System report which came out in 1986, and interviews carried out with the members of this commission, Members of Parliament and pressure group leaders influential in changing from the traditional FPP system. Chapter 8 is of greatest concern here, as it deals with the ‘Māori dimension’ during the changes and its impact on the Māori community. The focus is on Māori representation and what proportional representation can hopefully achieve which FPP restricted unless Māori voters were sufficiently geographically concentrated. The history of Māori representation is looked at, as well as the RCES perspective of the Māori electorates, politicians’ views which concern vying for the Māori vote, and the Māori perspective and response to the 1993 Electoral Reform Bill. The authors conclude that MMP can increase the number of Māori in parliament and then Māori may feel the parliamentary system can be an effective way for Māori to participate in the political process. This is an informative and insightful book on electoral reform and its impact. A useful appendix is included which shows the development of the Electoral Act 1993 and a short glossary of Māori words appears at the beginning of the book. The intended audience is any one interested in electoral reform, and would also be useful for other countries looking to change to a proportional representation electoral system.

Jackson, S.K., 1977. Politics in the Eastern Maori Electorate, 1928-69: An Enquiry into Maori Politics as a Unique System. Unpublished MA, University of Auckland.

This thesis principally aims to investigate the factors that made the Eastern Māori Electorate unique by analysing its Māori voting participants. Amongst a range of others issues, it looks in detail why it took so long for the Ratana-Labour alliance to unseat National candidate Sir Apirana Ngata, the role of women in politics, and consideration is also given to whether separate Māori seats should continue. The primary research gathered during 1968-69 was extensive. In his comprehensive methodology (which is a great asset to the thesis), Jackson explains that initially 37 in-depth interviews were conducted followed by another 62; 328 people responded to a written questionnaire; campaign material was analysed; and quantitative data collected at the polling-booths was collated and examined for elections held from 1938-75. He concludes that tribal affiliations are a significant determinant in Māori voting. A wealth of material is also included in tables and the appendices which include voting figures for the electorate from 1928-75 in general, and split into urban and rural groupings; and also a list of the candidates and their party designation for this electorate. With little data available on why Māori vote and the substantive representation of Māori through the Māori electorate MPs, this continues to be a very important piece of work. Jackson has been described as a veteran Māori rights activist.

James, C., 2005. A Contest of Issues or a Contest of Wills? Victoria University Post-Election Conference. 2 December 2005, Wellington.

James, a well-known and experienced political journalist and analyst, discusses in this paper the main issues and results of the 2005 general electoral campaign and election. In terms of Māori voting, James puts forward his ideas of why many Māori split their party and electorate votes, and also looks at the strength of the Māori Party. He concludes that the outcome in the Māori seats may possibly be the most important legacy of the 2005 election. As primarily an opinion piece, few hard statistics are included in this paper. However the somewhat informal writing style used makes the paper easy to read and understand, consequently embracing a wide audience.

James, C. and A. McRobie, 1990. Changes? The 1990 Election. Wellington: Allen & Unwin.

As part of a series of books which began with the 1978 election, this book acts as a guide to the 1990 New Zealand general election. Political commentator James provides commentary and analysis of the major issues for voters. Political scientist McRobie collates and summarises the electoral figures for the 1984 and 1987 elections, and also provides a table of the general election results from 1919 to 1998. A summary and short analysis of each of the general and Māori electorates and their outcomes in 1984 and 1987 are made. James and McRobie also look at race relations, the position of Mana Motuhake in the political system, and Matiu Rata’s likelihood of winning the Northern Māori seat. Interestingly, James predicts that the decaying of the Ratana-Labour alliance has opened the possibility of Māori taking an independent electoral route (which dramatically occurred in the 1996 and 2005 general elections). The authors believe that this book will contribute not only to the 1990 election specifically, but also to the longer-term study of general elections in New Zealand. Its intended audience is political scientists and electoral studies students and followers.

Justice and Electoral Committee, 2002. Reports of Select Committees: Bay of Plenty Regional Council (Maori Constituency Empowering) Bill. Wellington: House of Representatives.

This is the Justice and Electoral select committee’s report on a Bill which subsequently established Māori electorates within the Environment Bay of Plenty council. The committee outlined the background to the Bill, which arose due to 28 per cent of the voting population being Māori, and half of the land in the region being owned by Māori, yet few Māori ever gaining a position at the council table. It outlines the way the number of Māori constituencies is to be established, which is dependent on the number of Māori voters electing to be enrolled on the Māori roll. The majority concluded that the significant proportion of Māori not engaging in local government through voting and standing for election is ‘powerful and irrefutable’ – an issue that is rarely at the forefront of local council’s concerns. The National and Act members of the committee gave an opposing, minority view.

Karp - Mulgan

Karp, J.A. and S. Banducci, 1999. The Impact of Proportional Representation on Turnout: Evidence from New Zealand. Australian Journal of Political Science, 34 (3):363-77.

This article relies on post-election survey data from the New Zealand Election Studies in 1990, 1993 and 1996, and examines the effects of MMP on the participation rates of minorities. It concludes that the change to a proportional representation electoral system was responsible for ‘a modest increase’ in efficacy about voting. Although the primary focus is on voter turnout generally, data related to Māori voters is compared under FPP and MMP. At the time of writing both authors were post-doctoral fellows at the University of Waikato, however now are Assistant Professors at TexasTechUniversity. The results presented are specifically intended for electoral reformers and electoral politics students.

Kawharu, I.H. (ed.) 1989. Waitangi: Māori and Pākehā Perspectives of the Treaty of the Waitangi. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press.

This edited collection by Sir Hugh Kawharu contains the views of different authors on the meaning and significance of the Treaty of Waitangi. Although an in depth chapter is not dedicated to Māori electoral participation, a number of the contributors touch on issues concerning the Māori franchise, the Māori electorates, reforming the electoral system, Māori representation, the role of Māori MPs, and the establishment of the Māori parliament. Contained in appendices to this book are the texts and translations of the Treaty of Waitangi and Te Tiriti o Waitangi, a glossary of Māori words and phrases, and a comprehensive index. This book is the predecessor to Waitangi Revisited published in 2005.

Levine, S. and R. Vasil, 1985. Maori Political Perspectives: He Whakaaro Māori mō ngā Ti Kanga Kāwanatanga. Auckland: Hutchinson Group (N.Z.) Ltd.

This is a unique book based on interviews with 30 Māori participants on their diverse political perspectives. Drs Levine and Vasil, both foreign born and long-term New Zealand residents, talked to Māori men and women and recorded how they see society and what their political aspirations are. Notably, Māori participation and representation in the political process is a major issue. It is suggested that the purpose of the Māori seats and the effectiveness of Māori MPs are topics where Māori hold strong opinions. Many argued that Māori MPs could not be effective due to the extraordinarily large boundaries of the then four electorates. In spite of being 20 years old, there is no doubt that many of these perspectives are still held today. The authors conclude that one of the unresolved challenges in New Zealand politics is participation. The four Māori seats were insufficient and the authors hoped that the entry of the Fourth Labour government to power would be positive and address this. The personal perspectives make the book a very interesting read, which is jargon-free and easy to understand. Unfortunately there is no index to the book. A list of further recommended readings is included, as well as the Final Communiqué of the Māori Economic Development Summit Conference 1984.

Lipson, L., 1948. The Politics of Equality: New Zealand’s Adventures in Democracy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

This book on New Zealand’s democracy is now very dated, published almost 60 years ago; however it has been included in this bibliography because it contains some important historical facts and idiosyncrasies on Māori voting. Matters such as what influences Māori voters, Māori voter turnout and the balance of power Māori have held in the past are discussed amongst this 500 page book. Contrary to then popular opinion, Māori voted for who best would represent their interests, not who happens to be in power. Prior to the publication of this book, Lipson was the first Professor of Political Science and Director of the School of Public Administration at VictoriaUniversityCollege, University of New Zealand.

Love, R.N., 1977. Policies of Frustration: The Growth of Maori Politics: The Ratana/Labour Era. Unpublished PhD, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

A sizeable political science thesis on the Ratana Movement, Love examines in detail the new era of Māori politics which emerged where Māori worked actively inside the Pākehā system of government, instead of outside it. The author looks at the role of Māori in the political system and the achievements made by Ratana MPs. He examines the unsophisticated nature of voting Māori were required to endure where there were no electoral rolls for Māori voters, no ballot box, and no special votes. A very comprehensive theoretical framework is given including an outline of the Māori political position at the time. Appendices contain information on the Māori MPs from 1868-1967, the election results of Ratana contested elections up until 1949, and the qualifications required for a Ratana candidate. Love, a Professor of Business Development at Victoria University of Wellington, predicts that if Māori deprivation continues (which it has) Māori politics will take its demands outside of the mainstream political system.

Magallanes, C. I., 2003. Dedicated Parliamentary Seats for Indigenous Peoples: Political Representation as an Element of Indigenous Self Determination Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law 10 (4).

This article focuses on the relevance of self-determination for indigenous political representation, and suggests that this topic has been neglected in the current debates concerning indigenous participation in political processes. The author looks at arguments for separate representation and the basic underpinning issues for this development to take place. The history and operation of the Māori parliamentary seats are discussed and then contrasted with the system of indigenous delegates in Maine in the U.S., before concluding that separate representation would be an effective avenue for providing indigenous self-determination in Australia. However what this concept exactly means and entails must first be agreed upon. This article is unique in that the comparative analysis made highlights not only the importance of Māori electoral participation in the New Zealand political process, but also the need to clarify the real aim and purpose of the Māori seats and what it is that should be achieved through their existence. Magallanes is currently a Senior Lecturer in the Victoria University School of Law.

Matunga, H., 1989. Local Government: A Maori Perspective. Auckland: H. Matunga.

Matunga offers his views during a time of local government reform on how iwi, a Treaty of Waitangi partner, should be able to influence policies and maintain tino rangatiratanga in and over local body activities. He gives an overview of traditional Māori ‘local government units’ which existed prior to European settlement and how they have continued developed up until the late 1980s. The political and staff representation of Māori is looked at, using the Auckland region as a case study. An emphasis is given to the development of the interpretations of the Treaty, and the author concludes this report with recommendations on how the problems can be resolved. The text of the Treaty and Te Tiriti are included, as well as the number of Māori elected on to local authorities in the Auckland region as at 1988. This is a critical analysis of the monocultural approach local government maintains, and gives clear, accomplishable proposals for reform.

McCracken, A. J., 1971. Māori Voting and Non-Voting: 1928-1969. Unpublished MA, University of Auckland.

This Masters thesis analyses the effects of rapid Māori urbanisation and the Ratana movement on Māori voting behaviour. It is related to the broader question of separate Māori representation. The author concludes that the rise in Māori non-voting was due to administrative obstacles, the urban environment, and also a wider cultural malaise. There is vast amount of statistical information contained in the tables, maps, graphs and figures spread throughout the thesis and its appendices, although this data is mainly limited to the period from 1926 to 1971. A thorough report, this is aimed at academics and students who want a detailed analysis on the shift in Māori voting habits post World War II.

McLeay, E., 1991. Two Steps Forward, Two Steps Back: Maori Devolution, Maori Advisory Committees and Maori Representation. Political Science, 43 (1):30-46.

In this article, McLeay looks at three initiatives of the fourth Labour Government aimed at increasing Māori involvement in the decision-making process, with Māori representing Māori interests. One example looked at is the proposal by the Māori Council for half of the seats in local government to be in Māori hands. However, as she explains, a number of people expressed concern at this as it contravenes the one person – one vote principle, and because Māori seats are likely to not encourage other groups to compete for the Māori vote. McLeay looks at the legitimacy and justifications for group political representation, and the difficulty involved in reconstructing the New Zealand political system to one which both Māori and Pākehā can agree upon. This journal article is aimed at policy makers and politicians, as well as political scientists who are interested in the most effective ways to deliver on the Treaty of Waitangi promise of Māori retaining tino rangatiratanga. It may be useful to also read McLeay’s earlier 1980 article ‘Political Argument about Representation: The Case of the Maori Seats’ (Political Science, 28 (1):43-62) which argues that theorists of representation are yet to sufficiently consider minority claims to legislative representation.

McLeay, E., 2005. Democratic Experiments in New Zealand. Australian Senate Lecture. 1 July 2005.

This paper was presented at one of the Australian Senate’s public lectures. The author, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Victoria University of Wellington, discusses five democratic initiatives that have occurred in New Zealand. One of these she relates is the parliamentary representation of Māori, citing it as important because the way a country treats its political minorities is reflective of how it fulfils the democratic criteria of treating citizens equally in terms of influencing political decision-making. She looks at the Māori (male and female) struggle to vote in parliamentary elections; Māori voters preference for Labour until 1996, despite this only affording Māori an effective voice when Labour was in government; the historical and constitutional importance of these Māori electorates; the increasingly representative face of parliament following the adoption of MMP; and the formation of the Māori party which subsequently saw Māori use the electoral rules to their advantage and pursue their own interests. It is intended for an audience interested in the political and electoral developments of New Zealand.

McRobie, A., 1978. Ethnic Representation: The New Zealand Experience. In S. Levine (ed.) Politics in New Zealand: A Reader. Auckland: George Allen & Unwin, pp. 270-87.

This chapter concerns the situation of the Māori electorates in the late 1970s. McRobie looks at the history of Māori representation; the separatist legislation which barred Māori from participating in the General electorates until 1976, and non-Māori from standing in Māori electorates until 1967; and the recent moves to reform these seats. The author then turns to the statistics available on Māori voter turnout and informal and disallowed votes between 1949 and 1975. McRobie concludes that the New Zealand electoral system is couched in terms of the European values of society. Therefore if separate Māori representation is to continue it must not only serve a community with a distinct identity, but also allow Māori to participate as part of the mainstream political activity. This is an extremely useful article which gives a clear statistical and historical analysis of the Māori electorates and the voting patterns within them.

McRobie, A., 1980. The Electoral System the 1978 Election. In H.R. Penniman (ed.) New Zealand at the Polls: The General Election of 1978. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, pp. 64-98.

The purpose of this chapter is to examine three elements of the electoral system during the 1978 general election – the statutory provisions, the procedures for redistricting elections, and the regulation of the elections themselves. Here, we are concerned predominantly with the first section which covers separate Māori voting and representation. McRobie describes the then four Māori seats as ‘not even pretending’ to uphold the ideals of equality, justice or fairness. He gives a brief historical overview of the motives for their establishment, their inherently discriminatory nature, and discusses the lack of redefinition of Māori electorates. Due to the 40 per cent lower voter turnout rate in Māori electorates and the monopolisation of the seats by Labour, McRobie concludes that Māori should be encouraged to transfer to and stand for election in general seats. At the time of publishing the author was a lecturer in Social Sciences at the ChristchurchTeachers College.

McRobie, A., 1984. Election ’84. Christchurch: MC Enterprises.

In this short book, McRobie dedicates the majority of it to the election night figures, final results, enrolment figures, turnout percentage and classification of each general and Māori electorate in the 1984 general election. Comparisons are provided with data from the 1978 election. He provides background details of the 1981 general election, the 1983 electoral redistribution and its political effects, and a short commentary on each electorate. The author strongly urges readers to refer to the complementary study Election ’78 (outlined below) for fuller discussions and explanations of electoral redistributions and reallocations of votes between electoral boundaries. A select bibliography is included as a supplement to that provided in Election ’78. McRobie, a political analyst, provides all the relevant statistical data from the 1984 election.

McRobie, A., 2003. Elections and the Electoral System. In R. Miller (ed.) New Zealand Government and Politics. (3rd ed.). South Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 175-87.

In this chapter McRobie, a specialist political analyst and electoral consultant, very broadly looks at voting and elections held in New Zealand. He illustrates the way electoral laws discriminated against Māori in the past, the limited practical effect registering on the Māori electoral roll had prior to 1995, and the reasons for the high level of disallowed votes amongst Māori. The level of voter turnout in the 2002 general election is also discussed. This book is edited by the head of the Political Studies department at the University of Auckland, and boasts the reputation of being the leading undergraduate textbook for New Zealand politics students. Like other chapters within this book, it is highly accessible and easy to read.

McRobie, A. and N.S. Roberts, 1978. Election ’78: The 1977 Electoral Redistribution and the 1978 General Election in New Zealand. Dunedin: John McIndoe.

This book primarily concerns the effects of changing the electoral boundaries, and offers comparisons between the 1972 and 1975 election results with those of the general election held in 1978. It is aimed at an audience interested in electoral politics. The statistics on voting behaviour in each general and Māori electorate in the 1972 and 1975 elections are given, as well as a short commentary on any alterations made by the Representation Commission. Two sections concern Māori representation and the relatively high level of Māori who had failed to register on either of the electoral rolls. At the time of publishing, McRobie lectured at the ChristchurchTeachers College, and Roberts was a senior lecturer in the Political Science Department of University of Canterbury.

McVey, A. and J. Vowles, 2005.

 

The authors challenge the assumption that the decline in political participation in New Zealand is related to declining social capital, based on their study which found very weak expected relationships between the two variables. The data used is from the 1999 New Zealand Election Study which includes a separate Māori Election Study. Comparisons in political participation are made between Māori and other New Zealanders. McVey and Vowles found that amongst the passive indicators (which include voting turnout) Māori participated less, however amongst the active indicators (such as associational memberships) Māori participated more. Levels of general social trust also differed between Māori and other New Zealanders in general. Tables clearly illustrate these results. McVey recently completed his MA thesis at the University of Auckland, and Vowles is a Professor of Political Science at the same institution. The results generated are valuable for policy-makers concerned with the decline in civic engagement.

Mead, S.M., 1997. Maori Representation. In S.M. Mead (ed.) Landmarks, Bridges and Visions: Aspects of Maori Culture. Wellington: VictoriaUniversity Press, pp. 133-43.

This is a replica of Mead’s submission to the Royal Commission on the Electoral System in 1999, which asks three crucial questions: How can Māori be given a greater share in government; how can the political process be made more effective for Māori; and how can this process be integrated into Māori social, economic and political interests? The author emphasises the need for Māori voters registered on the Māori roll to have real power and influence over the election outcome, as well as the dignity that accompanies those values which has been negated in the past through the inability of the Māori seats to increase from four. Mead was the Professor of Māori Studies at VictoriaUniversity at the time. This book is a collection of papers which were written over a period of thirty years. The chapter analysed is set out clearly and logically, and it written from a personal perspective. It would be helpful to read the chapter which follows, ‘Options for Self-Determination: Tino Rangatiratanga’, as it complements the earlier work by clarifying a number of the issues raised.

Melbourne, H., 1995. Maori Sovereignty. Auckland: Hodder Moa Beckett Publishers Limited.

Presented in this book are social, political and economic views from 17 Māori people on the issue of Māori sovereignty. Of particular relevance are the chapters by Members of Parliament Sandra Lee and Peter Tapsell, who speak of their experiences participating in government. They offer unique insights to what it means to represent their electorate (Lee was in a general electorate, Tapsell was in a Māori electorate), the forecasted effects of the introduction of MMP, and the importance of Māori political participation. This book is intended to reach a wide audience through providing informed and stimulating debate. A short profile on each of the informants is given, and a glossary is also included. Melbourne has a broadcasting background, with experience reporting and producing in radio, print and television mediums. The companion to this book is Maori Sovereignty: The Pakeha Perspective (1995) written by journalist Carol Archie.

Metge, J., 1976. The Maoris of New Zealand: Rautahi. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Dame Joan Metge is a respected anthropologist. This main focus of this book is on Māori culture and society, from pre-1800 to the 1970s. It covers many areas of Māori life and as such has become an indispensable resource for students and researchers interested in this area. Of particular interest is Metge’s section on political association within chapter 13. She looks at the alliance Māori voters had with Labour since 1943 through the dominance of the Ratana Church within Māori politics; the lower proportion of valid votes amongst Māori compared to Pākehā; the possible reasons Māori choose to be registered the general roll at the time; and the continued debate about the retention of the Māori seats. She also directs readers to other resources on Māori politics concerning both the local and central government level. The appendix contains information on the spelling and pronunciation of Māori words, and a 17 page glossary is also included.

Miller, R., 1999. New Zealand and Scotland: Candidate Selection and the Impact of Electoral System Change. Joint Sessions of Workshops of the European Consortium for Political Research. 26-31 March 1999, University of Mannheim, Germany.

Miller examines the consequences of electoral reform on candidate selection in Scotland and New Zealand - two countries which have recently shifted from a plurality electoral system to one based on proportional representation. Amongst other issues, he looks at the break in Māori voting, support and representation for Labour; the comparison between the amount of Māori and Pacific Island MPs elected via list and electorate seats; and the tension between NZ First leader Winston Peters’ decision to go into coalition with National while his Māori MP colleagues preferred to follow the Māori voters lobbying towards Labour. Miller concludes that the correlation between a shift to MMP and an increase in Māori representation should not be over-stated. The intended audience is predominantly political scientists interested in the effects of electoral reform. Miller is currently the head of the Political Studies Department at the University of Auckland.

Miller, R., 2005. Party Politics in New Zealand. South Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Press.

This book focuses on the internal and external changes and consequences to political parties through the shift to MMP. Amongst other topics, Miller, a Senior Lecturer in the University of Auckland’s Political Studies department at the time, looks at the Māori franchise, Māori voting trends and the Māori MPs. He discusses the dramatic shift in support away from Labour in 1996, and the sudden movement towards the pan-tribal Māori Party in 2005; the increase in Māori representation to their proportion of the population; and the ‘epic change’ in voter choice following the now infamous Orewa speech. Miller has tailored this book to undergraduate and graduate students of New Zealand politics, with the chapters arranged thematically.

Ministry of Social Development, 2005. The Social Report 2005: Te Pūrongo Oranga Tangata. Wellington: Ministry of Māori Development.

This edition of the Social Report is the fourth in an annual series of reports on social well-being in New Zealand. There are 10 main outcome domains and indicators looked at here, and the most pertinent here is that concerning civil and political rights. The Ministry states that civil and political rights are crucial to people’s ability to participate in society, make choices about their lives, and live with dignity. Voter turnout rates are a measure of political participation. Māori and Pacific ethnic groups are more likely to be non-voters, and therefore this is identified as an area of concern for national and local government to address. The statistics contained within this report are of interest not only to government departments, but also political scientists and sociologists. Diagrams and tables are used throughout to clearly report on the statistics gathered.

Miskin, S., 2005. New Zealand Election: 17 September 2005. Research Note: Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Service, 17.

Miskin gives a brief four page overview of the 2005 general election campaign, election outcome, voter turnout and the potential issues facing the government in the current parliamentary term. Tables comparing the 2002 and 2005 election results usefully illustrate the changes of the party and electorate votes, as well as the dramatic changes in the vote share amongst the major and minor parties between these two elections. Voting in the Māori electorates is briefly analysed, with explanations given for Māori turning to a party that represents their specific interests. Research Notes are designed to provide information, analysis and advice to the Parliament of Australia; hence the intended audience are Members of Parliament. Miskin is currently a researcher in the Politics and Public Administration group at the Australian Parliamentary Library.

Mulgan, R., 1989. Māori, Pākehā and Democracy. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press.

The focus of this book by Professor Mulgan, New Zealand’s leading political theorist, is on race relations between Māori and Pākehā in New Zealand. It is written to help ordinary people understand the issues at hand. Some of the main questions he looks at are: Do Māori and Pākehā have equal rights to be at home in New Zealand; can Māori identity and culture survive where Pākehā is the majority; and can Māori demands be met without threatening Pākehā rights as New Zealand citizens? Mulgan believes that if political institutional are to be bicultural there must be a proportionate number of Māori holding positions of influence in them, and therefore special electoral measures may be required. He argues that since many Māori voters choose not to enrol on the Māori roll it would be fair to adjust the number of Māori seats to the number of Māori voters choosing to be on the Māori roll. Because Māori seats have, until the publishing date of this book, traditionally gone to Labour, it has meant that Māori voters and Māori interest have not received a great deal of political attention from other parties. This book is written passionately and openly from the perspective of a Pākehā who accepts the need to protect Māori identity, but at the same time sees Pākehā having roots in New Zealand also (a similar argument made by historian Michael King).

Mulgan, R., 2004. Politics in New Zealand. (3rd ed.). Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

This book clearly and comprehensively covers the main political institutions in New Zealand. It is designed for tertiary students and anyone interested in the way politics works in this country, therefore the language is simple and largely jargon-free. This third edition has been updated by Peter Aimer. Māori electoral participation and representation is looked at briefly in chapter 11, however these topics are also covered sporadically throughout the book as a whole. The detailed index is a useful means for finding relevant material. Due to the nature of this book, the information on Māori voting is fairly broad compared to other sources available. Mulgan is a former Professor of Political Studies at both Auckland and Otago universities, and was a member of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System (1985-86).

Nagel - Sullivan

Nagel, J.H., 1994. What Political Scientists Can Learn from the 1993 Electoral Reform in New Zealand. PS: Political Science and Politics, 27 (3):525-9.

Nagel, then a Professor at the University of Pennsylvania, identifies six ways political scientists in the United States (the intended audience) may find the New Zealand decision to change from FPP to MMP instructive. One of which is as a source of a new method of ensuring fair and effective representation for a minority ethnic group. In this article the author briefly outlines the origins and operations of the Māori electorates, and cites important dates of electoral reform which have impacted on Māori voters and candidates. He looks at the dilemma Māori faced until 1993 in choosing which electoral roll they preferred to be registered on. At the time, to be on the Māori roll meant that Māori were marginalised because Pākehā MPs would have no electoral incentive to respond to their interests, but to be on the General roll would mean Māori would sacrifice group solidarity and risk losing descriptive representation. Nagel concludes that MMP and the ability for the number of Māori electorates to rise and fall according to the number registered on the Māori roll may achieve equal and effective participation of Māori in the political process.

Nagel, J.H., 2004. Stormy Passage to a SafeHarbour? Proportional Representation in New Zealand. In H. Milner (ed.) Steps Toward Making Every Vote Count: Electoral System Reform in Canada and its Provinces. Ontario: Broadview Press Ltd.

The focus of Nagel’s article is on some of the positive aspects of the New Zealand experience with MMP which may be of use to proponents of electoral reform in Canada. The author compares the Māori situation with that of the First Nations people in Canada. He outlines how Māori electorates currently operate under MMP, and also illustrates the increasing number of Māori and PacificIsland people’s representatives in Parliament since the adoption of the proportional representation system for the 1996 general election. Māori voting in the 1996 and 1999 elections is also compared, with Nagel citing NZ First MPs ‘posturing and petty indiscretions’ the reason for losing the brief, but strong, support of Māori for one parliamentary term. This chapter is highly useful for researchers concerned with indigenous representation and participation in a comparative context. Professor Nagel has written numerous articles on New Zealand politics, and is a former Fulbright lecturer at the University of Canterbury. This book follows on from the successful 1998 book Making Every Vote Count.

New ZealandEducational Institute, 1996. Te Kete Tuawha: More Māori in Parliament. Wellington: Te Reo Areare of NZEI Te Riu Roa.

This document was published prior to the first MMP election in 1996. It argues that the Māori vote can make a substantial difference to how Parliament will be made up and therefore Māori should be prepared to make an informed vote. This kete is designed to assist whānau, hapū and iwi to promote the message to political parties that Māori are voting for the party with the best policies concerning Māori education and Māori issues. The key phrase throughout the booklet is ‘Māori must be prepared to vote’. It encourages Māori to vote to ensure more Māori are in parliament and can subsequently access the decision-making process. It also encourages Māori to mobilise their whānau and enrol because MMP is a ‘whole new ball game’ with added reason to start a pattern of voting. It educates Māori on the difference between, and importance of, the party vote and the electorate vote. The authors also look at three key election issues for Māori: tino rangatiratanga, constitutional development and Māori education. Clearly, the intended audience is Māori non-voters, and gives added assistance by listing free-phone numbers for readers to access further information without cost.

Nicholson, D. and S. Dawn, 1990. Vote: 1990! A Literacy Kit to Help You Have Your Say in the 1990 Elections. Auckland: Adult Reading and Learning Assistance Federation (NZ) Inc.

This short booklet is primarily aimed at young people who have little knowledge on voting and elections, but who want to make an informed choice on Election Day. Short articles, illustrations, questions and answers, diagrams, and crosswords are all used to attract its intended audience and hold their attention. A section on Māori representation in Parliament and participation through the four Māori electorates is written in short, clear and logical sentences and paragraphs to make it easy to understand. An article by Paul B. Tem Q.C. is included to help readers appreciate the injustices committed against Māori and why the Treaty of Waitangi is an election issue. This work, although limited in content, aptly fits the cause it is designed for.

Norton, C., 1988. New Zealand Parliamentary Election Results 1946-1987. Wellington: Department of Political Science, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

This is a comprehensive compilation of the results of successive New Zealand general elections from 1946-87. It is modelled on the series of British Parliamentary Election results by F.W.S. Craig. It is purely a statistical record of the dates of general elections and by-elections, vote summaries by parties, regional electoral summaries, Māori and General electorate results, and an index of candidates. It does not claim to analyse any of these results. The raw data presented will be of interest and help to researchers of Māori political participation in previous Parliamentary elections. Maps of the electorates are also included. This occasional publication was edited by Paul Harris.

O'Sullivan, D., 1999. The 1996 General Election and the Labour Vote in the Māori Electorates. He Pukenga Korero, 5 (1):40-56.

The main question of this article is why Labour candidates so emphatically lost the Māori vote in the Māori electorates in the 1996 election. The University of Waikato lecturer also looks at the history of Māori representation, the relationship between Labour and Māori from 1943 to 1993, the contemporary nature and character of Māori voters, and the four Labour led governments that had held office up until 1996. He argues that Māori changed their vote to NZ First en masse because they could identify with leader Winston Peters and as a champion of the ‘neglected and forgotten’. Although both the leader and deputy leader identified as Māori, NZF did not have particularly pro-Māori policies. Useful bar graphs have been included to illustrate the share of the Labour and NZ First party votes for all five Māori electorates in the 1996 elections. Intended for an audience interested in the effects of electoral system change, Māori electoral participation, and the relationship between Māori and successive Labour governments, this work is best read in conjunction with Sullivan and Vowles (1998) cited below. Whereas O’Sullivan gives exhaustive background to the 1996 elections, the aforementioned work focuses more on the quantitative Māori electoral data itself.

O’Sullivan, D., 2004. The Politics of Indigeneity and Contemporary Challenges to Māori Self-Determination. Australasian Political Science Association Conference. 29 September – 1 October 2004, University of Adelaide.

This conference paper looks at the tension between the currently popular ‘one law for all’ rhetoric and Māori aspirations for self-determination. O’Sullivan argues that it is only through representative government that full and effective Māori political participation can occur. However the limited voting strength of Māori hinders self-determination. The ‘one person, one vote, one value’ principle advocated by Dr Brash and the National Party is flawed according to the author, because the value of a vote cast in a Māori electorate in central or local government is no greater than a vote cast in a general electorate. He believes this debate is about participation in the electoral process and the restrictions thereof. This is an insightful and interesting paper argued from a collectivist point of view. O’Sullivan works in the Māori Education Research Unit of the University of Waikato.

Reeves, S., 1996. To Honour the Treaty: The Argument for Equal Seats. Auckland: Earth Restoration Ltd.

Reeves, a practising lawyer and graduate from the University of Auckland and the University of Virginia, argues in this fairly short 84 page book that the number of Māori parliamentary seats should be significantly increased to better reflect the promises made under the Treaty of Waitangi. Although MMP can facilitate small changes, this will not alone bring about an effective bicultural parliament which Reeves advocates. He argues that the one person – one vote principle effectively deprives Māori of being represented. There is particular emphasis to the arguments made by the Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral Commission concerning the effectiveness of the Māori vote under plurality electoral systems. This book is set out clearly and logically in 16 short, thematic chapters. The texts of the Treaty of Waitangi and a glossary of Māori words used are included in appendices to the book.

Rei, Tania, 1993. Māori Women and the Vote. Wellington: Huia Publishers.

This is a historical overview and analysis of Māori women’s involvement in the suffrage movements, predominately concentrating on the years 1890 to 1910. Māori women sought the right to vote in the New Zealand Parliamentary elections (achieved in 1893), and the right to vote and stand for election in the Māori Parliament, Te Kotahitanga (achieved in 1897). This short book is presented in an easy to read format to appeal to a wide, general audience. Information is split equally between the main text, and pictorial and written examples to add to the story. These examples include 19th century Māori newspapers, satirical cartoons of Māori women’s plight to vote, profiles of Māori MPs, and photographs of election days and hui. It includes a time line from 1840 to 1993 of legislation and events concerning Māori women’s participation and representation in Parliament.

Rei, T., A. Tangohau, R. Smith and M.-L. Ormsby, 1993. Māori Women and the Franchise. Wellington: 1993 Suffrage Centennial Local History Project, Women’s Studies Department, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

This short six page document discusses the two suffrage movements of Māori women. The first is Māori women who sought to vote in the New Zealand House of Representatives, and the second is women who sought to vote and stand as members of the Māori parliament, Kotahitanga. It looks at the early attitudes of Māori MPs on these issues, franchise petitions that circulated at the time, and the electoral registration restrictions that were once in place. Excerpts are taken from Tania Rei’s book Māori Women and the Vote (discussed above). The final page is very useful for researchers, which is the intended audience of this booklet, as it offers information on how to access further resources from the 1880-1900 newspapers, manuscripts, official publications, photographic sources and secondary sources.

Research Services for Local Government Services, 2002. Local Government Candidates 2001: A Survey of Local Authority Election Candidates in the 2001 Local Authority Elections. Wellington: Department of Internal Affairs.

Published as a companion to the Local Authority Elections Statistics 2001 report and only the second of its kind put out, this is based on a survey of local government candidates prior to the 2001 October elections. The response rate was 63 per cent. The report looks at the typical profile of local government candidates. It found that a candidate would most likely be a professional male, aged over 45 years, and Pākehā. Very few statistics are available on the ethnicity of local body councillors as it is not compulsory to record these details, therefore this report is fairly valuable despite its small section relating to Māori participation as candidates. Not only are ethnicity and ancestry statistics reported on, but also on identity. There are significant differences between these variables and therefore it would be useful to read Tahu Kukutai’s Social Policy Journal of New Zealand 2004 article ‘The Problem of Defining an Ethnic Group for Public Policy: Who is Maori and Why Does it Matter?’ to explain why the disparities exist.

Rikys, P., 2004. Local Government Reform and Māori: 1988 to 2002. WaihekeIsland: Te Ngutu o te Ika Publications.

This is a study on the relationship between Māori and local government, particularly during the reforms of 1988-89 and 2000-01, with a focus on Māori representation and participation in policy formulation. It also looks at the recently enacted Local Government Bill and the predicted effects on Māori. Rikys has had extensive involvement in local government activities as a publisher, commentator and consultant, and his wide-ranging knowledge shows through in this comprehensive book. The author finds that Māori have been largely marginalised throughout the reforms and there is a considerable need to promote effective Māori engagement and participation in local government. The book is written to highlight and explain these findings to people associated within local and central government – at all levels including the representatives, management and administrators – and also the New Zealand public. The clear, articulate overview presented at the end is a useful feature of this book, as it summarises all the major points looked at and how they impact on Māori participation and representation in local government. Information contained in an earlier report, ‘A Report on Maori Constituencies and Seats in Local Government’, by the same author is largely replicated in this 2004 publication.

Royal Commission on the Electoral System, 1986. Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System "Towards a Better Democracy". Wellington.

The main focus of this report is on the fairness and equality of the way the votes cast in general elections are translated into seats and representation in parliament. This report was highly influential in replacing the established FPP electoral system with the MMP system in 1993, with MMP first used in the 1996 general election. Five highly qualified authors (whose backgrounds range from political studies to statistics to law) compiled this comprehensive and articulate report. It contains a large amount of significant information on the Māori electorates, Māori representation, and Māori voter turnout. The appendices and annex complement the report well. Of note are articles written by M. P. K. Sorrenson and Robert Chapman (which are both excellent papers and warrant separate discussion in this annotated bibliography), the tables of Māori and non-Māori representatives in parliament from 1890 to 1984, and the election results of the Māori electorates from 1890 to 1984. This book is extremely useful and relevant to all aspects of Māori politics and elections, despite being nearly twenty years old. It provides extensive information on electoral systems and its impact on Māori political representation and participation.

Selby, R.A. (ed.) 2005. Walking the Talk: A Collection of Tariana’s Papers. Otaki: Te Wānanga-o-Raukawa.

Tariana Turia is the MP for the Te Tai Hauauru electorate and co-leader of the Māori Party - a political party which was formed following the debate on the Foreshore and Seabed legislation where Turia crossed the floor and voted against her party, and resigned from Labour. This is a selection of the papers she has delivered over the past six years. The first section is of most significance here, as it addresses issues which reflect the changing political climate. Turia passionately advocates for meaningful and effective political representation and participation of Māori in government, and also encourages Māori to register on the Māori role and vote. This collection will appeal to a wide audience, as the papers she delivered were to a broad range of listeners.

Sharp, A., 2002. Blood, Custom and Consent: Three Kinds of Māori Groups in New Zealand and the Challenges they Present to Governments and the Constitution. University of Toronto Law Journal, 52:9-37.

Sharp is a Professor of Political Science and has written extensively on Māori claims for justice in New Zealand. In this article Sharp mainly focuses on three types of groups Māori identify with – kin groups, voluntary associations and ethnic groups. In explaining and examining theories relating to ethnicity, Sharp looks at how this impacts on Māori registering on the Māori or the General electoral roll. He also briefly looks at the ‘Pākehā veto’ which Māori will find difficult to break due to their limited demographic strength, and whether Māori would gain the best representation through a proportional representation electoral system or through Māori seats. Although this article does not directly address the issue of Māori electoral behaviour, it does look at the wider context which encompasses Māori identity and ethnicity and how best to attain effective representation of Māori interests.

Simpson, Alan C, 1985. Redistributing the Māori Vote: 1972-1984. Hamilton: Department of Politics, University of Waikato.

Political scientist, Simpson, attempts to predict the likely scenario of Māori representation should the then four Māori parliamentary seats be abolished, based on the results of the five general elections between 1972 and 1984. The first ten pages are dedicated to explaining the author’s findings. He concludes that Māori would be better represented through separate Māori seats. The appendices to this analysis hold valuable information on Māori voter turnout. The first appendix contains summaries of the main alterations of the electorates between 1972 and 1981. The latter provides the general election results for all Māori and General electorates between 1972 and 1984, displaying each party’s share of the votes from both the general roll and the Māori roll. This work attracts academics and those making decisions on the electoral system. At its time, it was a vital addition to the debate on whether or not to abolish the Māori seats.

Sinnott, C., 1994. Māori Participation in the Electoral System. We Have the Electoral Act 1993, Now What? Unpublished LLB(Hons), VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

A graduate student in the Law faculty of VictoriaUniversity, Sinnott examines the main constraints on the effectiveness of the Māori vote despite the adoption of MMP in central government elections. She concludes that electoral participation problems Māori encounter must be addressed to combat the lack of Māori MPs, as well as the lack of MPs that represent Māori interests. Some of the key constraints identified include difficulties Māori have in receiving sufficient information on political issues to make informed choices (as identified in the Waitangi Tribunal report on the Māori Electoral Option); logistic and practical problems for Māori in enrolling and casting a valid vote; the implications of exercising the Māori option; and the lack of Māori MPs (although this latter issue has been resolved with approximately 16 per cent of MPs now identifying as Māori). The author correctly predicted that MMP cannot address the problem of the lack of Māori electoral participation, as Māori still have lower rates of voter turnout than their Pākehā counterparts. Useful appendices include relevant sections of the Electoral Act 1993, and tables of the informal and special votes cast in Māori and General electorates. A table is also included on the number of Māori voters and votes cast between 1957 and 1984. Although some of the predictions are outdated now, the literature on minority and democratic theory is still just as valuable and pertinent today.

Sorrenson, M. P. K., 1986. A History of Maori Representation in Parliament. In Royal Commission on the Electoral System (ed.) Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System “Towards a Better Democracy”. Wellington, pp.B1-B64.

This work by Professor Sorrenson of the University of Auckland is often quoted in studies concerning Māori representation. Although concise, it is possibly the most comprehensive paper on this topic, making it invaluable for students and academics researching in this field. Eight chapters cover early Māori society, the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, the Māori King Movement, the Māori Representation Act 1867, and the three phases of Māori representation in parliament. The primary focus, however, is on the ‘odd constitutional fact’ of the retention of the four Māori seats in Parliament. Sorrenson concludes that then inability of the number of Māori seats to increase and decrease according to the number of Māori enrolled on the Māori roll actually masks the bigger problem of low Māori enrolment and voting statistics which resulted in Māori playing a restricted role in the political process.

Stokes, E. (ed.) 1981. Māori Representation in Parliament. Hamilton: Centre for Māori Studies and Research, University of Waikato.

This compilation focuses on the arguments relating to the retention or abolition of the separate Māori seats in parliament, including a chapter reviewing the relevant literature published to date on Māori representation. It was designed to bring further informed debate to an issue described as being faced by all New Zealanders, therefore aimed at a wide audience. It contains articles written by Evelyn Stokes and Robert Mahuta, who have both worked at the University of Waikato, and political scientists Alan McRobie and Alan Simpson. Although the collection is somewhat dated now in the current MMP environment, the validity of the Māori seats is still being discussed and their abolition even became a ‘bottom line’ policy for the National party in the lead up to the 2005 general election. Many tables containing statistics of Māori voting, turnout, special votes, and the distribution of Māori amongst electorates, are included throughout. Figures are also included on whether or not people believe the Māori seats should be retained, which can be contrasted with the more recent opinion polls on this topic.

Sullivan, A., 1998. Maori Politics and Government Policies. In R. Miller (ed.) New Zealand Politics in Transition. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press, p. 361-71.

At the time a lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Policy at the University of Waikato, Sullivan has based this chapter is based her PhD thesis. It looks at the government policies directed at Māori from 1840, and Māori participation in the electoral system pre- and post-MMP. The author explains how Māori were effectively denied the vote despite never being formally excluded due to article three of the Treaty of Waitangi. She also looks at the separate regulations which marginalised Māori voters until 1975. The types of Māori voters are also explored, as well as the demographic voting factors of Māori which contribute to inhibiting electoral empowerment. Sullivan concludes that Māori need an adequate resource base to be self-determining and play a more substantial role in their own future. This book will appeal to anyone interested in New Zealand politics, law, economics, public policy, media and sociology.

Sullivan, A., 2003. Effecting Change Through Electoral Politics: Cultural Identities and the Māori Franchise. Journal of the Polynesian Society, 112 (3):219-37.

This article focuses on the development of the Māori right to vote, and how the overall effect has been an enhancement of cultural identity and Māori nationhood. Sullivan, a political scientist, opens with a discussion on the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, where Māori were effectively excluded from voting, and documents the developments up until the 2002 general election, where Māori are now represented in proportion to their population. The author also discusses the competing views of democracy – collective and individualism – and how these arguments affect the issue of separate Māori representation. This article is intended for an audience interested in Māori politics and development. Statistics on the number of Māori MPs following the general elections between 1990 and 2002 are included.

Sullivan, A., 2003. Māori Representation in Local Government. In J. Hayward (ed.) Local Government and the Treaty of Waitangi. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 135-56.

This chapter, in a book devoted to the relationship between the Treaty of Waitangi and local government, focuses on the recent electoral changes to local government and its potential impact on Māori representation. The argument of separate Māori representation is raised, and questions whether it should be viewed as separatism or inclusion. A specific audience of academics and local government players is aimed at, adding to and informing debate on Māori electoral participation and representation. The case study on Environment Bay of Plenty – the only local authority to establish Māori wards or constituencies to date – provides much information on the reasons for and against separate Māori electoral representation. Sullivan is a political scientist working within the Māori Studies Department of the University of Auckland.

Sullivan, A., 2005. The Treaty of Waitangi and Social Well-being: Justice, Representation, and Participation. In M. Belgrave, M. Kawharu, and D. Williams (eds), Waitangi Revisited: Perspectives on the Treaty of Waitangi. South Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 123-35.

Sullivan, Associate Professor of Māori Studies at the University of Auckland, focuses this chapter on the Treaty of Waitangi goals of participation, partnership and protection, and discusses them in terms of social justice, equal rights, and their application to Māori participation and representation in government. She also looks at and compares Māori and non-Māori attitudes towards voting, government, and the Treaty of Waitangi using the New Zealand Electoral Studies Project Data of 1999 and 2002. This article is positive about the future of Māori economic growth, relations between Māori and the government, and Māori political participation, in spite of the acknowledged reluctance by some sectors to support partnerships with Māori. As a whole, the book is aimed at educating the New Zealand public on Māori perspectives of contemporary issues concerning the Treaty.

Sullivan, A., and D. Margaritis, 2000. Māori Voting Patterns in 1999. In J. Boston, S. Church, S. Levine, E. McLeay and N. S. Roberts (eds.), Left Turn: The New Zealand General Election of 1999. Wellington: Victoria University Press, pp.175-183.

The authors, then both lecturing at the University of Waikato, analyse the voting trends and electoral behaviour of voters in the Māori electorates in the 1999 general election, with strong comparisons made with the 1996 election. Features of MMP such as split voting and Māori party politics are focussed on. The use the graphs and tables help to explain the main text. In contrast to the New Zealand Election Studies which are based on extensive surveys, this work relies on official election data, with an emphasis on the correlations between the party vote and the electorate vote. The Māori voting statistics are used extensively which are not confined to the 1999 election, but comparisons are made with general elections from 1981 to 1996. This work adds to the authors’ 2002 book chapter in Proportional Representation on Trial, cited below. The target audience is students and scholars of New Zealand politics and society.

Sullivan, A. and D. Margaritis, 2002. Coming Home? Māori Voting in 1999. In J. Vowles, P. Aimer, J. Karp, S. Banducci, R. Miller, and A. Sullivan (eds), Proportional Representation on Trial. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press, pp. 66-82.

This is a comprehensive and highly statistical analysis of the voting choices of those registered in Māori electorates for the 1999 election. Extensive comparisons between the 1996 election (where NZ First won all 5 Māori seats) and the 1999 election (which saw Māori voters return to their traditional support of Labour) are made. This article questions whether Māori are strategic voters, and why Māori voters gave their support back to Labour following the dramatic shift to NZ First. Both authors at the time of publishing lectured at the University of Waikato – Margaritis in economics and Sullivan in Political Science and Public Policy. Aimed at an academic audience, this chapter includes many tables and figures to add depth and clarity to the main text. This work is based on the collection of data from the New Zealand Election Study survey of 1999, where 1000 interviews were conducted in the Māori Election Study section of it. It follows on from previous NZES studies which began in 1987 and expanded in 1990.

Sullivan, A. and J. Vowles, 1998. Realignment? Māori and the 1996 Election. In J. Vowles, P. Aimer, S. Banducci, and J. Karp (eds), Voters' Victory? New Zealand's First Election Under Proportional Representation. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press, pp. 171-91.

This chapter centres on the outcome of the Māori electorates in the 1996 general election, and the context which brought about the change. All five Māori electorates were won by NZ First candidates, breaking Labour party’s 50-year stronghold of the Māori seats. The 1996 New Zealand Electoral Survey oversampled people on the Māori electoral rolls to get a better understanding of the opinions and attitudes of Māori voters. 614 were sampled on the Māori roll, via telephone and mail surveys. It was the fourth NZES study in successive general elections. It is concluded that the dramatic shift to voting for NZ First was probably due to Māori having an agenda focused on the Treaty of Waitangi and the desire for a more powerful social, economic, and political role for Māori. The political scientist authors were, at this time, both lecturing at the University of Waikato.

Tabacoff - Yang

Tabacoff, D., 1975. The Role of the Maori MP in Contemporary New Zealand Politics. In S. Levine (ed.) New Zealand Politics: A Reader. Melbourne: Cheshire, pp. 374-83.

This is one of the few articles written on the substantive representation of Māori, and also questions why Māori voters have predominantly elected Labour candidates up until this point. It focuses on the role played by Māori MPs from Māori electorates, and how they are constrained through the framework of party politics. Tabacoff has spoken with the then four current Māori MPs to gauge their views on what a Māori MP should be and do. The article is now somewhat out of date in the current MMP environment, but the hypotheses considered are still relevant tody – is role of an MP the same for all representatives, or do Māori MPs perform unique functions? At the time of writing, Tabacoff was a Fullbright scholar in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Auckland.

Tamihere, J., 2003. Campaigning in a Maori Seat. In J. Boston, S. Church, S. Levine, E. McLeay, and N.S. Roberts (eds), New Zealand Votes: The General Election of 2002. Wellington: VictoriaUniversity Press, pp. 156-60.

This chapter is written in the first person and based on Tamihere’s own experiences campaigning in a Māori electorate. To Tamihere, the focus is on ensuring the party vote remains high by encouraging Māori voters to not split their votes, and choose his party, Labour, in both the party and electorate votes. He predicts that without the Māori seats the development of a separate Māori party will be inevitable. Ironically this has now occurred, but the Māori Party is currently in parliament because it utilised those seats. The author also looks at the low voter turnout in Māori electorates, and believes this may be due to the lack of competition within these seats and the need to get voters involved through encouragement. He believes that the level of Māori voter turnout is an issue that must be addressed. Tamihere was unseated in the 2005 general election by Māori Party candidate and co-leader Pita Sharples.

Te Puni Kōkiri, 1993. Electoral Reform Bill and Māori Representation: A Discussion Document. Wellington: Te Puni Kōkiri.

Te Puni Kōkiri, the Ministry of Māori Development, compiled this short seven-page report prior to the referendum on the electoral system. Its intended audience is iwi Māori, and is designed to be an informative overview of the Electoral Reform Bill and a discussion document concerning the implications of MMP for Māori. The report clearly sets out how to vote under MMP and what each vote means. However, the majority of this report has quickly become irrelevant. It is written with the assumption that the Māori electorates would be abolished under MMP and that Māori parties would have a lower threshold to cross. Despite these limitations, it still contains material of interest to students of Māori electoral participation as it outlines why Māori have felt disenfranchised through the Māori electoral roll due to the lack of competition for the Māori vote.

Trapski, P.J., 1998. The Proposal to Establish a Maori Constituency for Environment Bay of Plenty (the Bay of Plenty Regional Council): Report of the Hearings Commissioner. Tauranga.

Judge Trapski was appointed in mid-1998 to conduct hearings and report on the proposal to introduce Māori seats on to Environment Bay of Plenty (EBOP), and later recommended that EBOP should promote the establishment of Māori constituencies within their council. Some of the main reasons for this conclusion were that Māori comprise 28 per cent of the Bay of Plenty population yet rarely gain representation; Māori feel EBOP is unrepresentative; the submissions received on the issue overwhelmingly supported the establishment of Māori constituencies; and that the proposal is constitutionally sound and reflects the current delivery of democracy in New Zealand. It was felt that Māori would be guaranteed political participation in their local council, something that had been lacking for some time, if this proposal was acted upon. This report is concise but argues convincingly the validity of separate Māori representation. It will be of interest and use to other Māori communities who feel separate Māori representation is required in their region to ensure fair participation in the decision-making process.

Vowles, J., 2004. Civic Engagement in New Zealand: Decline or Demise? Inaugural Professorial Address. 13 October 2004, Conference Centre, University of Auckland.

Professor Vowles focuses this lecture on the decline in political participation - notably voter turnout - in New Zealand, and the difficulties in making empirically-grounded assumptions about social change due to the complexity of conducting basic research. The author uses data from the New Zealand Election Study collected since 1993 to illustrate the declining civic engagement rates. He shows that Māori are less likely to vote in the absence of electoral competition in the Māori electorates because they are less integrated into the political system, and have lower levels of political knowledge and education. Vowles concludes that research into electoral choice is significant and the development of a better understanding of why citizens choose to vote or not should have social policy implications. This work is aimed at an academic audience concerned with the level and type of electoral research being produced in New Zealand.

Vowles, J. and P. Aimer, 1993. Voter’s Vengeance: The 1990 Election in New Zealand and the Fate of the Fourth Labour Government. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

This book is based on the 1990 New Zealand Election Survey completed by over 2000 New Zealanders registered on the General and Māori electoral rolls. Where appropriate, comparisons are made with the 1987 NZES (which was based on telephone 1013 interviews). This book covers all areas of the 1990 election and voting behaviour, including the impact and demise of the Fourth Labour government and the implications and predictions for the future. Due to its broad scope, Māori voting (and non-voting) patterns are a small, but highly important, part of the research. Māori voting figures are given and analysed, and the relationship between Labour and the RatanaChurch is also discussed. This book (as with others in the NZES series) attracts a specialised audience of students and academics interested in New Zealand politics. Both political scientist authors continue to be involved in the NZES research. An appendix containing a copy of the mailout questionnaire is included.

Vowles, J. and P. Aimer (eds), 1994. Double Decision: The 1993 Election and Referendum in New Zealand. Wellington: Department of Politics, VictoriaUniversity of Wellington.

This edited book concerns the extent of the interconnectedness of the general election and electoral reform referendum held on 6 November 1993. Contributions and perspectives are given from the four main political parties, and from pro- and anti-MMP groups. More academic style articles are also provided which involve analyses of the structure of the issue agenda in the election, survey results on voting patterns, electoral responses in the 1992 and 1993 referendums, and speculations of what the future holds. Māori voting power is discussed in the chapter on the Labour party, and McRobie analyses the preferred electoral system of the Māori electorates. The book is set out with chapters split into four main sections, with discussions that follow involving the authors of the book. This helps to clarify and explain many of the issues raised of the preceding chapters. The book is aimed at people involved and interested in electoral reform and outcomes in New Zealand.

Vowles, J., P. Aimer, S. Banducci, J. Karp and R. Miller (eds), 2004. Voters' Veto: The 2002 Election in New Zealand and the Consolidation of Minority Government. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

Although there is not a dedicated chapter in this book on Māori participation and representation as there is in other books in the New Zealand Election Survey series, the authors continue to look at these issues amongst many others concerning the general election. The book focuses on the early general election of 2002 which resulted in a successive Labour-led government. The key objective of the book is to assess the importance of public debate, public opinion and knowledge about government. Māori continued to support Labour, particularly in the Māori electorates, with the NZ First party holding the second highest proportion of their party votes. This time the NZES surveyed five groups: a ‘New General Sample’ randomly selected from the electoral rolls; ‘Election to Election Panels’ which involved respondents from 1996 and 1999 NZES; a pre- and post-campaign group; an over-sample from the Māori electoral rolls for the ‘Maori Election Study; and the ‘Candidate Study’. More tables are contained in the appendices than the previous books. One of significance relates to social structure and voting choices, as both Māori and PacificIsland voters’ preferences are recorded.

Vowles, J., P. Aimer, H. Catt, J. Lamare and R. Miller, 1995. Towards Consensus? The 1993 Election in New Zealand and the Transition to Proportional Representation. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

The primary focus of this book is on the general election and referendum on the electoral system held in 1993. The authors of this book, all political scientists, analyse the results of the election and the possible implications now that MMP has been chosen as the preferred electoral system. It is based on data from the 1993 New Zealand Election Survey study – the third year the NZES has operated. Questionnaires were mailed out to two groups: registered electors, and candidates and party activists. Nearly 3,000 people replied. The chapter on electoral participation looks at the theories and ideas why certain groups (such as Māori) are more likely to be non-voters. It also discusses how respondents felt about the number of Māori seats there are in parliament, and which groups wanted to change to MMP (which included Māori). There is limited data on the way Māori voted in the General or Māori electorates, but this is because the study is mainly aimed at the attitudes and opinions of electors. There are many tables, graphs and diagrams which complement the main text.

Vowles, J., S.A. Banducci and J.A. Karp, 2005. Forecasting and Evaluating the Consequences of Electoral Change in New Zealand. Changing the Electoral System: The Case of the Netherlands. 14-15 September 2005.

The political scientist authors evaluate the validity of the claims about the predicted effects of New Zealand changing to MMP from FPP. One of these claims was that MMP would deliver a more representative parliament. This is true in terms of PacificIsland and Māori descriptive representation, which has come about through both the general and Māori electorate seats, as well as the party lists which now better mirror the communities they serve. Another concern was that there would be an overhang in parliament. This was also realised, most recently in 2005, due to many Māori electorate voters splitting their votes between Māori party candidates in the Māori seats, and the Labour party for their party vote. The authors gained part of their information from the New Zealand Election Study Candidate and Voter surveys from between 1993 and 2002, as well as the 2005 election returns.

Vowles, J., A. Sullivan, P. Aimer, R. Miller, S.A. Banducci and J.A. Karp, 2000. Electoral System Opinion and the Evolution of MMP: A Report to the Electoral Commission. Auckland and Hamilton: New Zealand Election Study.

One of the New Zealand Election Study’s contractual obligations is to determine the effects of electoral system change on Maori political behaviour and attitudes together with the effects of other political, social, and economic variables. In this report to the Electoral Commission the authors found that most New Zealanders favoured the retention of the Māori seats, at least at their then current number of six; Māori differ little from other New Zealanders on who should decide on this issue of the retention of the Māori seats; the provisions for determining the number of Māori electorates is correct (in the author’s view); turnout is lower in the Māori electorates because their voting populations are younger than average; and that the change to MMP has brought about an overall increasing in voter turnout, particularly amongst Māori. Tables are included in the appendix to visually illustrate the results of the NZES opinion surveys conducted between 1993 and 1999. Not only is the report of direct interest to the Electoral Commission, the statistical analysis is also useful to others researching in the area of electoral reform and voters’ opinions.

Waaka, M., 2005. Local Government. In M. Mulholland (ed.) State of the Māori Nation: Twenty-First-Century Issues in Aotearoa. Auckland: Reed Publishing (NZ) Ltd, pp. 219-26.

This chapter is written from the perspective of Waaka, a Rotorua District Councillor. She looks at the role of a Māori councillor and the recent changes that have been made to local government legislation to provide Māori with better avenues to participate in the governing of their communities. Waaka speaks of her own struggles within an older, Pākehā, male dominated arena, and the progress that she has been able to make. She concludes that local politics should be taught in schools to encourage better participation in this crucial area of governance. This book will appeal to a wide range of New Zealanders, as it gives a snapshot of 22 modern issues from a Māori point of view.

Waitangi Tribunal, 1994. Māori Electoral Option Report (Wai 413). Wellington: Brooker’s.

This Treaty of Waitangi claim arose following the introduction of the MMP electoral system to general elections. The claimants argued that the Crown has a Treaty of Waitangi obligation to protect the right to Māori representation and the preceding need to promote Māori enrolment and education on the Māori electoral option, and that the funding provided by the Government was inadequate. The Tribunal recommended that the Crown increase the funding to achieve the maximum possible enrolment of Māori electors. This would facilitate an increase in Māori enrolments and subsequently enhance the effectiveness of Māori participation in the electoral process. Naturally, this source focuses heavily on the relevant Treaty principles to Māori electoral participation, which makes it a fairly unique source. M. P. K. Sorrenson, who wrote an appendix to the Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System, was one of the Tribunal members hearing and adjudicating on claim.

Walker, R., 1979. The Maori Minority and the Democratic Process. In J.S. Hoadley (ed.) Improving New Zealand’s Democracy. Auckland: New Zealand Foundation for Peace Studies, pp. 115-25.

Emeritus Professor Walker looks at the differences between traditional Māori decision-making through consensus, and the central executive power which dictates laws made in the New Zealand parliament. He goes on to examine the four Māori seats, which he describes are ill suited due to the Pākehā democratic concept of majoritarianism. Māori participation in decision making is therefore inherently ineffective simply by virtue of the Pākehā’s strength in numbers. To conclude Walker offers a two-step guide to a multi-cultural future. He argues this requires all New Zealand institutions to have Māori input and participation, and a broadening of the meaning of democracy needs to occur from its current limiting majority rule convention. This chapter and book is aimed at enhancing the democratic character of New Zealand government. It is written in a straight-forward fashion to appeal to a wide audience interested in the New Zealand politics.

Walker, R. (ed.) 1985. Nga Tumanako: Maori Representation Conference. Auckland: Centre for Continuing Education, University of Auckland.

This edited book includes the agenda and proceedings of the Māori Representation Conference; an introduction and paper by Ranginui Walker (now Emeritus Professor of Māori Studies); a list of workshop attendees and their results; and papers and contributions by former Prime Minister David Lange, then President of the Mana Motuhake party Arapeta Tahana, then Race Relations Conciliator H. Tauroa, political scientists Alan Simpson and Evelyn Stokes, and Tainui leader Robert Mahuta amongst others. It is a comprehensive collection of history, legislation and perspectives relating to the Māori franchise, participation and representation. This was initially aimed at the members of the Royal Commission of the Electoral System and politicians by uncovering the discriminatory nature of the then current electoral structures; however this book is now a useful resource for any student or interested person of Māori politics despite being published 20 years ago. It contains many helpful appendices containing newspaper clippings on Māori representation, an outline of the boundaries of the Māori electorates, the numerous ways ‘Māori’ has been defined in legislation, census forms and courts, and the relevant provisions of the Electoral Act 1956 and its amendments in 1975, 1976 and 1980.

Walker, R., 1987. Ngā Tau Tohetohe: Years of Anger. Auckland: Penguin Books.

This is a collection of Emeritus Professor Walker’s ‘Korero’ columns from the New Zealand Listener. They span 15 years during the height of Māori activism, and hold a constant message throughout of the inertia of racism. Chapter five of this book focuses on the difficulty of being a minority group and trying to gain an effective political voice. Naturally, these pieces are argued from a Māori perspective. Included in this chapter are papers on the ease with which Māori can be outvoted in parliament which results in the tyranny of the majority, the Mana Motuhake political party, the significance of separate Māori seats, the restraints on Māori representatives due to long-standing party loyalty, and the importance of Māori voters registering on the Māori electoral roll. The columns were aimed for readers of the magazine they were originally published in, therefore they are written in a very clear and direct manner.

Walker, R., 1992. The Māori People: Their Political Development. In H. Gold (ed.) New Zealand Politics in Perspective. (3rd ed.). Auckland: Longman Paul Limited, pp.379-400.

A concise yet surprisingly thorough chapter, Emeritus Professor of Māori Studies Walker discusses the political development of Māori from colonisation up until the election of the National party to government in 1990. Included in this chapter are details Māori nationalism manifested in the Kotahitanga and King movements, Māori representation, the dynamic nature of Māori politics, the Ratana/Labour relationship, the New Zealand Māori Council, the Mana Motuhake political party of the 1980s, and Māori voting behaviour during each of these periods. The author concludes that Māori resistance to assimilation and the policy of ‘one law for all’ will continue despite repeated attempts to assert colonial hegemony over Māori and their interests. The book is generally aimed at a wide audience seeking a comprehensive and well-balance account of New Zealand politics, and Walker certainly achieves this goal within his own chapter.

Walker, R., 2004. Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without End. Auckland: Penguin Books.

This revised edition is a history of New Zealand from a Māori perspective. It is an accessible and essential text for any student of Māori society, or any person wanting a comprehensive, easy to read history of Aotearoa. Walker gives a full explanation of the discriminatory nature of the electoral laws towards Māori voters registered on the Māori, and describes the four Māori seats as mere token representation. The author profiles a number of Māori MPs and their achievements in parliament, and also looks at Māori representation under MMP and the 1996 general election which saw Māori voters break the previously strong alliance with Labour to elect all NZ First candidates into the Māori electorates. He concludes in the epilogue with a short note on the formation of the Māori Party. Walker became a Distinguished Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit in 2001.

Wall, L.H., 2001. Te Mana Whenua o Aotearoa i Whakaaturia o te Kawanatanga nga Whakapapa o Matou Uni: Indigenous Representation as Members of Parliament: Motivation and the Link to Tupuna/Tipuna. Unpublished MPhil, MasseyUniversity.

This thesis is based on interviews with six Māori women Members of Parliament and focuses on their motivation for participating in this political process. Wall offers a historical analysis of Māori women’s political participation in parliament as a background to the research, and gives fairly comprehensive profiles of the interviewees. The transcribed interviews are included in their (edited) entirety. She concludes that the over-riding principle amongst the interviewees is not the role they perform as MPs, but rather their identification as Māori within their electorate as a voice of the people they represent. The work is based on a kaupapa Māori framework, and is presented in a unique way – that which is consistent with the protocol that is used on the author’s marae. An interesting (but brief) journal article which supports the findings in this thesis as well as contrasts it with another indigenous group published in 2003 is ‘The Participation of Aboriginal Women in Canadian Electoral Democracy’ by Manon Tremblay (Electoral Insight, 5 (3):34-8).

Ward, A., 1973. A Show of Justice: Racial ‘Amalgamation’ in Nineteenth Century New Zealand. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press.

The purpose of this book, and Ward’s PhD thesis it was based upon, is to examine Māori – Pākehā relations in the nineteenth century. Included in this scholarly work are discussions on the Māori franchise and early participation in the New Zealand Parliament and the Māori Parliament – Kotahitanga. Due to this publication based partly on the surviving records of the old Native Department up to 1895, the fine points that Ward is able to give, and opinions of certain influential people associated these topics, makes the book a very interesting and incredibly detailed read. The index is very helpful and easily guides the reader to information concerning early Māori voting patterns, the Māori Representation Act 1867 and Māori responses to it, and Māori participation on the general roll. Ward admits that early Māori elections are very hard to analyse because the voting data is incomplete. However he has managed to identify some of the more clear voting patterns in the four Māori seats through gathering information from newspaper reports and comments by officials. Ward is a historian, writer and an Emeritus Professor at the University of Newcastle.

Ward, A. and J. Hayward, 1999. Tino Rangatiratanga: Māori in the Political and Administrative System. In P. Havemann (ed.) Indigenous People’s Rights in Australia, Canada and New Zealand. Auckland: OxfordUniversity Press, pp. 378-98.

Based on the National Overview report for the Waitangi Tribunal, this chapter concentrates on one aspect of tino rangatiratanga – Māori self-determination in the political and administrative system. The authors look at early Māori initiatives of the King movement, the separate Māori parliament, and Māori councils and committees. A comprehensive analysis of Māori representation in Parliament up until 1893 is made. They explain how Māori appreciated the importance of participating in this level of government and is illustrated through the mounting competition for the four Māori seats. Ward, a historian, and Hayward, a political scientist, conclude that Māori attempts to retain self-determination have been diminished through the governments desire to keep undisputed control over the resources in New Zealand.

Waymouth, L., 2002. Parliamentary Representation for Maori: Debate and Ideology in Te Wananga and Te Waka Maori o Niu Tirani, 1874-8. In J. Curnow, N. Hopa, and J. McRae (eds), Rere Atu, Taku Manu! Discovering History, Language and Politics in the Maori-Language Newspapers. Auckland: AucklandUniversity Press, pp. 153-73.

Few books have focussed on the wealth of information contained within Māori newspapers, making this chapter which focuses on early Māori participation in New Zealand parliaments both rare and interesting. It offers insight into some debates between 1984-7 for equal Māori representation in parliament. Waymouth, a lecturer in the Department of Māori Studies at the University of Auckland, discusses the New Zealand Constitution Act of 1852, and particularly section 71 of this Act, which practically excluded Māori participation in the governing of New Zealand by affording Pākehā almost exclusive participation in the early years. She gives many examples from these two newspapers of Māori opinions at the time on this legislation and also the Māori Representation Act 1867. The author concludes that the Māori language newspapers are a relatively untapped resource which offers a unique opportunity to explore nineteenth century opinion of separate representation – a debate which concerns tody. This chapter and book appeals to a wide audience such as Māori individually and collectively, academics of Māori politics, history, sociology and language, and New Zealanders generally with an interest in our past.

Yang, E., 2005. An Inquiry into Māori Representation in District Health Boards and Local Government. Unpublished LLB(Hons), University of Auckland.

This dissertation questions the necessity of the measure to create Māori wards and constituencies in local authorities, and whether they are consistent with human rights law. The history of the Māori seats in Parliament is briefly outlined, and in more detail the right to vote is examined in terms of minority rights, Māori rights to self-determination, and under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The author concludes that the issue of Māori representation comes down to the practicalities of politics, that is, what will the consensus be on the appropriate forms for giving effect to Māori rights? Yang believes that New Zealand may be best to simply observe the workings of the Māori constituencies currently active on Environment Bay of Plenty before extending the number of councils which have these provisions. Due to the nature of the study, the work is based largely on legal precedents and theory.